tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-52287240276310626832024-02-08T11:45:03.291+05:30National Peace CouncilThe National Peace Council (NPC) is an independent and non partisan, non-governmental organization that has worked towards a peaceful Sri Lanka since 1995.National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.comBlogger56125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-84718491976607167302012-03-26T10:58:00.002+05:302012-03-26T10:58:16.990+05:30<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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INDIA’S ACTION AND
GOVERNMENT’S REACTION TO UNHRC RESOLUTION</div>
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--Jehan Perera</div>
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The Sri Lankan government attempted to make the best of a
bad situation by pointing to the narrowness of its defeat at the UN Human
Rights Council last week. Out of the 47 countries on the Council, 15 of
them supported Sri Lanka and voted against the resolution on Sri Lanka proposed
by the United States. In addition there were 8 abstentions, making a
total of 23 countries that did not vote for the resolution. As this was
only one less than the 24 who did vote in favour of the resolution the
government sought to claim a near victory over the world’s superpower.
The government’s bitterness was also reflected in its official statement after
the vote that even its genuine efforts to bring about reconciliation in Sri
Lanka had not been recognized at the UNHRC. President Mahinda Rajapaksa
himself addressed a public meeting and said that the defeat in Geneva would
please the LTTE proxies and Tamil Diaspora but not the people of Sri Lanka.</div>
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Underlying the emotional response to the UNHRC resolution
from within ranks of the government was the perception of unfair treatment that
many of Sri Lanka’s general population also shared. A glance at the newspaper
headlines on the events that transpired the day after the vote in Geneva would
reveal the negative feelings of government leaders. These headlines
included We will not let anyone intervene in Sri Lanka’s affairs; Be united to
defeat foreign conspiracies; Do not give India any economic concessions; Mervyn
(Minister of Public Relations) threatens to break limbs of journalists; NGO
conspiracy to create anarchy; and US resolution has set a very dangerous
precedent. However there were also more positive headlines, in which sources
that were not a part of the government were quoted, and which gave the news
coverage a greater degree of balance such as US resolution not inimical to Sri
Lanka; Frequent reporting to UNHRC averted; and Tamils must get justice and
lead a life of dignity.</div>
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There has been a strong feeling within Sri Lanka that the
government had been singled out for unfavorable judgment, which is felt even by
those who are not necessarily supporters of the government. This
sentiment has been compounded by the observation that many of those in the
Tamil Diaspora who had once championed the cause of the LTTE, and funded its
war machine, had metamorphosed themselves into human rights defenders in
Geneva. Some of them were seen in the company of world leaders. During the
final stages of the war many of them had denied that the LTTE indiscriminately
and forcibly recruited children while holding the civilian population
hostage. Even sections of the TNA took the same position instead of
urging the LTTE to let go of the people and the children. But at the
UNHRC the Tamil Diaspora and TNA were seen as campaigning against the Sri
Lankan government on the same human rights platform alongside well known
international human rights groups.</div>
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NEGATIVE REACTIONS</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgL14AAGccqJuR19ljhzl7DMIAW-kawcpeKNLFEP0-7hMx3RJ7vBazDsByLWhazfq3z9ni5U0d4ET_QdbxAfxH9aWci-NN-vViS0S-cCJjJbThshGFr9KjW4kxY8VXmk5ydEwTEcNvnz-Ue/s1600/UNHRC32212.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="195" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgL14AAGccqJuR19ljhzl7DMIAW-kawcpeKNLFEP0-7hMx3RJ7vBazDsByLWhazfq3z9ni5U0d4ET_QdbxAfxH9aWci-NN-vViS0S-cCJjJbThshGFr9KjW4kxY8VXmk5ydEwTEcNvnz-Ue/s320/UNHRC32212.jpg" width="320" /></a>In retrospect, a preamble to the UNHRC resolution that
mentioned the past context in greater detail and the role of the LTTE and its
supporters in contributing to the human rights debacle at the end of the war
might have made it more palatable to public opinion within Sri Lanka.
This is an issue that may be considered at future sessions of the UNHRC when
follow up assessments of developments in Sri Lanka are taken up. It has
been said that only those who come before the temples of justice with clean
hands can expect the courts to mete out justice on their behalf. The
sense of grievance of the Sri Lankan government and the majority population of
the country, that countries and groups that were guilty of human rights
violations themselves had passed strictures on Sri Lanka, needs to be addressed
if a change of heart within the larger population of Sri Lanka is to be
obtained.</div>
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Another issue that has evoked a strongly negative
reaction from the government is the possibility of the UNHRC resolution being
made into an instrument to pursue charges of war crimes against it. While
the UNHRC resolution does give the centre stage to the LLRC and its
recommendations, it also contains language that can be construed as seeking to
go beyond it. The resolution also critiques the LLRC report by “Noting
with concern that the report does not adequately address serious allegations of
violations of international law.” Although the LLRC did address
issues of accountability in its report, this was not done in a comprehensive
manner, as it was not a part of the mandate given to it by the President who
appointed them. Therefore the LLRC findings on accountability are limited
and it recommended independent investigations to be carried out into the few
cases it looked into, including the controversial UK Channel 4 video.</div>
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Proponents of the UNHRC resolution have often sought to
explain the resolution as a moderate and harmless one that merely calls on the
government to implement the constructive recommendations of its own Lessons
Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. The thrust of the LLRC
recommendations pertain to the rebuilding of Sri Lanka’s political institutions
that have been progressively dismantled in the course of nearly three decades
of fighting the LTTE. Today there is widespread criticism within Sri
Lanka about the manner in which the present government in particular has set
about dismantling the independence of public institutions and further
politicized the public service. It has been a near miracle that the LLRC
was able to go as far as it did despite the infirmities in its appointment and
mandate, and the general political environment in which nationalist discourse
prevails. </div>
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INDIAN AMENDMENT </div>
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Despite the good governance focus of the LLRC, and
ostensibly of the UNHRC resolution itself which gives central place to the LLRC
recommendations, the Sri Lankan government has reason to be concerned. In
its original draft version, the UNHRC resolution opened the door to an
international presence within Sri Lanka in regard to accountability
issues. The draft resolution stated that the Office of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights and relevant special procedures mandate
holders were to provide technical assistance and advice to the Sri Lankan
government on implementing accountability measures, and the Sri Lankan
government to accept it. This imposition of an external mechanism was
anathema to the government especially in view of the strained relations with
the UN High Commissioner. In any event, it is difficult to imagine any
government in any part of the world that would wish to have external parties
sit in judgment over the conduct of a war fought by its armies or even offer
advice on how to protect human rights that has to be accepted. </div>
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Ironically it was India, whose vote against Sri Lanka
came as a great shock, which also softened the potentially adverse impact of
the UNHRC resolution on the Sri Lankan government. It did this by
negotiating an amendment to the clause relating to external technical assistance
to ensure that it only came after “consultation with, and with the concurrence
of,” the Sri Lankan government. Whereas the original draft resolution
seemed to make it compulsory for the Sri Lankan government to accept the UN
High Commissioner’s technical assistance and advice, the final resolution gives
the Sri Lankan government the opportunity to minimize international
intervention that is unacceptable to it. In his letter to President
Rajapaksa after the vote at the UNHRC, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
explained that the Indian delegation had “spared no effort and were successful
in introducing an element of balance in the language of the resolution.” </div>
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At a time when Sri Lankan government leaders may be
feeling a sense of betrayal at the vote in the UNHRC it is also important for
them to realize that Sri Lanka is part of the international community, and
abide by the commitments that they and previous Sri Lankan governments have
made. When it fought the war against the LTTE, the Sri Lankan government
did receive the political and military support of virtually the entire
international community, including the United States that sponsored the UNHRC
resolution and India which voted for it. This political and military
support was given to Sri Lanka on the understanding that after the end of the
war there would be structural reforms that addressed the political roots of the
conflict. </div>
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Significantly, in his letter to the President, the Indian
Prime Minister also reiterated his “conviction that a meaningful devolution
package, building upon the 13th Amendment, would lead towards a lasting
political settlement on many of these issues and create conditions in which all
citizens of Sri Lanka, irrespective of their ethnicity, can find justice,
dignity, equality and self-respect.” The implementation of LLRC
recommendations, particularly those relating to the devolution of power, can go
a substantial part of the way in meeting those commitments and ensuring that
countries that are now critical of Sri Lanka will resume their positive support
for it in the years ahead.</div>
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. </div>
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</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-69869480310572090492012-02-09T17:27:00.003+05:302012-02-09T17:27:50.706+05:30NPC 2010 Annual Report<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="http://peace-srilanka.org/images/stories/anu_report/npc_annual_report-2010.pdf">http://peace-srilanka.org/images/stories/anu_report/npc_annual_report-2010.pdf</a></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-54748541465508802902012-02-09T17:14:00.003+05:302012-02-09T17:14:37.639+05:30Exposure Visit from East to South for the EU DIRC Project<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br /></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-37299333733887191552012-02-08T11:22:00.000+05:302012-02-08T11:22:56.516+05:30IMPLEMENTING LLRC COULD HAVE STARTED ON INDEPENDENCE DAY - Jehan Perera<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Addressing the nation and the international community on Independence Day President Mahinda Rajapaksa made many inspirational statements.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>These could be regarded as statements of government policy that will charter the future course of the country. The President’s speech was also finely tuned to appeal to the nationalism of the masses of people and their sense of patriotism.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Making reference to the economic crisis that country was experiencing and which is eroding their standards of living he said that "We would be able to exist as an independent, sovereign state only if we strengthen our economy. We have to get together and work just as we got together and worked with dedication to defeat terrorism."</div>
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The President’s promise with regard to economic prosperity was important the context of the pessimism that has set in on account of balance of payments difficulties.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>For months, in the face of governmental denials, independent economists have been warning that the country’s economy is imbalanced with imports far exceeding exports.<span> </span>The economic success has led to huge imports and the country's trade deficit touched a record USD 9 billion in the first 11 months of last year, shrinking its foreign currency reserves to USD 6 billion by January 2012.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Foreign reserves stood at USD 8 billion in July 2011.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Now the Central Bank has announced a devaluation of the rupee which will have adverse consequences on the cost of living to the masses of people.</div>
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At the Independence Day celebrations the President made it evident that he saw a foreign hand attempting to destabilise the government and deny the country its hard won gains.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>He said “Conspiracies and propaganda of terrorists based overseas have not abated still. When such things happen abroad some people here do various things to destabilize the Motherland.”<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>He also paid his government a big compliment by saying that it had achieved more in terms of development in three years than had taken place in the previous fifty years.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This was clearly an inspirational assertion on the part of the President who was certainly pointing to the foundations that his government was laying for the future development of the country.</div>
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It is unlikely that in making his overstatement on development that the President was seeking to downplay the achievements of the past by his illustrious predecessors in the governance of the country.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>In the 1950s there was the Gal Oya development scheme that opened up the vast territories of thick jungle land in the east to agriculture that turned it into a rice bowl and provided land for the landless peasants in other parts of the country. This was followed by the Mahaweli River diversion scheme that commenced in the late 1970s that irrigated vast extents of the central and north central parts of the country, the opening up of the economy and investment in Free Trade Zones that brought in foreign investment in the form of the garment factories in the 1980s and the million houses project of the early 1990s.<span> </span></div>
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It would appear that the President was envisaging the development that could take place in the country after the major economic projects completed in the past three years started to yield their full potential.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>For instance the great port at Hambantota that is anticipated to bring the world’s shipping fleets to Sri Lanka has yet to become serviceable on account of a large rock that has still to be removed from the entrance to the harbour.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Another major development project, the huge coal fired power station at Norochcholai, has also to become fully functional on account of frequent fire outbreaks in its teething period.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>But like the road network that is being built, epitomised by the Southern Expressway, and the beautification programme in Colombo, once these glitches are rectified there is no doubt that the economy will receive the turbo-boost that the President has seen in the achievement of the last three years.</div>
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The challenge for the government will not be in convincing the Sri Lankan people who are ready to believe in the President’s promises.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The people will surely look to the future with optimism due to their faith in the government’s ability to deliver on what it promises, as it did in defeating the LTTE.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The government also had to deal with international pressures upon it.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The most serious pressure comes from the vexed issue of human rights violations that took place in the course of the last phase of the war.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span> </span>Once again the government has to face the international human rights community at the Geneva sessions of the UN’s Human Rights Council in March this year. On several occasions the government promised the international community that the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission would take care of this problem.<span> </span></div>
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The LLRC made a large number of recommendations based on its findings which were far reaching and extensive.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>These included investigating specific incidents of human rights violations, including the authenticity of the Channel 4 video broadcast in the UK which showed scenes of battlefield executions.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The recommendations also include instituting reforms in governance such as ensuring that the police and public service become independent of political interference and that a political solution is found to Tamil grievances. The LLRC even gave the broad contours of this political solution through the improvement of the existing Provincial Council system of devolution, and supplementing it with power sharing at the centre and more grassroots level decentralization.</div>
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The LLRC also has recommendations that are simple and easy to implement if the government has the political will to do so.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>These include having the national anthem sung in both Sinhala and Tamil languages and remembering all victims of the war at national events.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>In Recommendation 9.277 the LLRC stated that “the practice of the National Anthem being sung simultaneously in two languages to the same tune must be maintained and supported.”<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>In its final Recommendation 9.285 it stated that it “strongly recommends that a separate event be set apart on the National Day to express solidarity and empathy with all victims of the tragic conflict and pledge our collective commitment to ensure that there should never be such bloodletting in the country again.”</div>
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IDEAL OCCASION</div>
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The ideal occasion for the government to have shown its intention of implementing the LLRC recommendations would have been at the Independence Day celebration itself.<span> </span>There was a giant audience of both Sri Lankans and diplomats from around the world watching the event live on their television sets and in person at the site of the event itself. The government could have got the national anthem to be sung in both the Sinhala and Tamil languages.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This would have sent a very positive message to the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka who amount to about a quarter of its population that they were being treated equally and with respect on Independence Day.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The government could also have made a gesture of remembering all victims of the war on that occasion and eased their sorrow even as they watched the nation rise again.</div>
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In his Independence Day speech President Rajapaksa made reference to the LLRC report when he said, that the “Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission has stated that all are responsible for this problem. All those who act according to their conscience should take heed of this statement. Therefore, we have already started implementing what was in the Commission. The report was tabled in Parliament on December 17. Since then we have done a lot.”</div>
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However, despite the President’s commitment to the LLRC report the national anthem was sung in Sinhala only as it has on previous occasions.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span> </span>The language issue which commenced with the implementation of the Sinhala-only Act of 1956 divided the Sinhala speaking and Tamil speaking people as no other issue has.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Despite the President’s resolve to reach for reconciliation, there was no break with the past in the actual practice of the government.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>When the President did refer to those who had lost their lives in the three decade war, he remembered only the patriots who sacrificed their lives, not all the victims of the tragic conflict as recommended by the LLRC.<span> </span></div>
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It is unfortunate that the President failed to take the opportunity presented by Independence Day to show the nation and the international community that it had already begun to implement the LLRC recommendations, and make a break with the past.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The LLRC itself thought fit to mention in its final report that its interim recommendations made about a year earlier had yet to be implemented. Another opportunity must be found sooner rather than later to demonstrate to the nation and to the international community that deeds will follow words. The hopes of the vast multitudes who believe in the President’s promises must not prove to be in vain.<span> </span></div>
</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-43874791587587255242012-01-30T11:30:00.003+05:302012-01-30T11:35:12.397+05:30NO PROBLEM SOLVING WITHOUT FIRST ACCEPTING PROBLEMS DO EXIST --Jehan Perera<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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The government’s approach to problem solving after the end of the war has been two fold. One is to set up mechanisms that would give a different perspective on the problem. With the overall improvement in the country’s post-war situation evident to both citizens and foreign visitors alike, the government has its own story to tell. The government established the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission to deal with the mounting international pressure on it on account of alleged war crimes in the last phase of the war. The report of the LLRC that was released to the public in November last year has obtained sufficient international acceptance to give the government more breathing space.<br />
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The alternative governmental approach towards dealing with problems has been to deny their reality and accuse others of engaging in conspiracies against it. This was evident in the government’s response to the decision of seven media organizations to stage a Black January protest in Colombo against the killings and disappearances of journalists that have taken place with impunity in the past in different parts of the country, and which have continued to hinder the free expression of ideas even in recent times. The government utilized the power of the state media to deny and discredit this claim. Days before the protest those who were involved in organizing the protest were described by the government media as LTTE supporters, notwithstanding the demise of that organization over two and half years ago.<br />
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The name “Black January" was chosen by the organisers to put the spotlight on attacks on the media that have occurred in the month of January. The first victim was a freelance photo journalist from Trincomalee, Subramaniam Sugirdharajan who contributed to “Sudar Oli”. He was killed by an unidentified gunman on 24 January, 2006 in Trincomalee. It was Sugirdharajan who provided photographs to the Tamil media on the killing of the 5 youths in Trincomalee, early January, 2006. Other January attacks included the torching of the “MTV/MTB” media station, the killing of The Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickrematunga in 2009, and the disappearance of political columnist Prageeth Ekneligoda in 2010.<br />
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On the day of the protest the government acting through the police sought a court order to stop the demonstration on the grounds of public security. In addition, government members organized a much larger parallel demonstration at the same venue. At the pro-government protest there were placards labeling the organisers of the protest, as traitors and supporters of the LTTE. According to media reports, these pro-government demonstrators were armed with clubs and disrupted traffic. But the police which had filed for a court order to prevent the free media protest from taking place merely looked on.<br />
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JAFFNA PROTEST<br />
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A similar governmental strategy was followed a fortnight earlier in Jaffna in regard to a protest against missing and disappeared persons which happened on a very large scale during the war, particularly in the North and East of the country. After the war’s end there was an expectation that the government would take steps to ensure that the whereabouts and fate of those who were missing or disappeared would be ascertained. But to the grief and frustration of their families this did not happen. The government has failed to heed even the interim recommendation of the LLRC in this regard which was made over a year ago.<br />
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In the present situation where there is no movement forward in finding out what happened to their loved ones, their families will ever be ready to join anyone who will champion their cause. There is a requirement that all civic activities, including social gatherings, should be notified in advance to the security forces. The large scale presence of security forces belonging to one ethnic community where the people belong to another ethnic community also exacerbates the possibility of misunderstandings and mistrust. Therefore the people feel disempowered and too intimidated to organize anything due to the tight governmental control over dissent in the North.<br />
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In this context, a demonstration in Jaffna on behalf of missing and disappeared persons organized by the breakaway faction of the JVP obtained popular support especially amongst the families of the victims. Although the JVP has traditionally been viewed as a Sinhalese nationalist party, its breakaway faction has been trying to reach out to the Tamil people in the North. This is appreciated by the relatives of the missing persons, even those who might not have much sympathy towards the other objectives of the JVP.<br />
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However, in a manner that was similar to its treatment of the free media protest in Colombo, the government took action to disrupt this meeting. Whereas in Colombo the judiciary was utilized to limit the protest, in Jaffna the army blocked the JVP demonstrators from travelling to their destination in Jaffna. Around 800 persons who were heading towards Jaffna along the A9 road were blocked at Omanthai. According to media reports they were heading towards Jaffna in 20 vehicles including 12 buses. In addition, government members in Jaffna organized an even larger demonstration against those who were calling for the missing and disappeared to be located denouncing them as pro-LTTE activists.<br />
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WITHOUT CHANGE<br />
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The problem with these government reactions to public protests undertaken by different segments of the population is that they do nothing to resolve the problems that exist. If problems that exist are to be solved there has to be preparedness to change. If there is no preparedness to change, problems will not be solved. The killings and disappearances of journalists is a real problem and accounts for why Sri Lanka ranks close to the bottom of world rankings on media freedom. So is the problem of killings and disappearances of Tamil civilians during the war which is why there is an unceasing international demand for accountability.<br />
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In the coming month, the government will be forced to defend its human rights record before the international community at the annual sessions of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. One of the main achievements that the government is likely to place before those who accuse it will be the LLRC report. In their report, the Commissioners of the LLRC gave a prominent place to the protection of the free media and called on the government to investigate past killings and disappearances of journalists. The LLRC also noted that their interim recommendation had not been implemented. These included providing details of those held in government custody to their relatives and the fate of those who were killed or disappeared to be made known.<br />
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The onus is on the government to solve problems, and not to postpone their resolution or to deny that they exist at all. There may be some problems that the passage of time heals or makes irrelevant. However, problems that have to do with the memories of people who went missing or were killed in brutal circumstances will almost surely never go away on their own. The recent decision of the French government to make it illegal to deny the alleged massacre of one million Armenians by Turkey in 1915 as an act of genocide is a pointed reminder to us in Sri Lanka. The present government of Sri Lanka must not leave the unhealed memories of the recent past to grow, multiply and haunt Sri Lanka a hundred years from now. <br />
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</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-41459844477404663952012-01-25T16:33:00.001+05:302012-01-25T16:33:14.824+05:30NORWEGIAN EVALUATION REPORT ON THE BREAKDOWN OF THE PEACE PROCESS IS WORTHY OF STUDY TO ASCERTAIN THE LESSONS FOR A POLITICAL SOLUTION<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Sri Lanka's internal war and terrorism lasted for three decades and ended in May 2009 with the military defeat of the LTTE. The overall cost in terms of lives lost, property destroyed, development opportunities foregone, emotional suffering and migration of Sri Lankans is incalculable. The bitterness and animosity that the last stage of the war caused would be a permanent scar on the inter-ethnic relations unless there is a genuine reconciliation between the government and the Tamil leaders on the one hand and between the ethnic communities on the other.<br />
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The Norwegian government's effort to facilitate a peace process in the period 2002-06 was the last attempt to achieve peace through peaceful means. The National Peace Council supported this final effort, and it is our regret that we could not generate a people's movement for peace that would have put pressure on the warring parties not to go back to the battlefield. It was and remains our conviction that the outcome of peaceful negotiations would have been superior to those of a military solution and would have made a smoother transition to peace while providing a political solution. If it had succeeded much loss of lives and property would have been avoided.<br />
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The several efforts made to end the war through peaceful means were necessary and courageous attempts even though they failed. The war and terrorism arose out of a long festering ethnic conflict, the roots of which were not adequately addressed, and still have to be addressed even though the war has ended. The Norwegian-facilitated peace process had the goal of a peaceful solution through negotiations, and even reached a point where the government and LTTE agreed to explore a power sharing solution within a united Sri Lanka. But we must study the reasons for its failure and seek to apply the lessons from such failure.<br />
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The willingness of the Norwegian government to subject its peace initiative to independent scrutiny, even critical scrutiny as in this case, is an example of transparency and openness. Now that the war is over, we urge Norway and the international community to support Sri Lanka to achieve a political solution and post-war development. Members of the international community, including the United States, European Union, India and Japan that were directly involved in the peace process need to continue with their efforts to ensure peace with justice in Sri Lanka.  <br />
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Governing Council<br />
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The National Peace Council is an independent and non partisan organisation that works towards a negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. It has a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka in which the freedom, human rights and democratic rights of all the communities are respected. The policy of the National Peace Council is determined by its Governing Council of 20 members who are drawn from diverse walks of life and belong to all the main ethnic and religious communities in the country.</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-4142688002174581122012-01-25T16:31:00.001+05:302012-01-25T16:31:38.764+05:30HE PROMISE OF 13TH AMENDMENT PLUS by Jehan Perera<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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One of the outcomes of the visit to Sri Lanka by the Indian External Affairs Minister S M Krishna has been the resurrection of the concept of “13th Amendment Plus.†Speaking to the media at the conclusion of his visit, the Indian Minister said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had pledged to improve on the devolution of powers presently granted to the provinces in terms of the 13th Amendment. However, when questioned as to whether the Sri Lankan government had given any commitments regarding this improvement or a time frame in which it would do so, Mr Krishna was constrained to admit that no such undertaking had been given. It appears that the Sri Lankan government has once again been able to get itself out of a problem. But this does not mean it is closer to solving the problem.<br />
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The Indian government has consistently expressed its interest in a political solution to Tamil grievances. India has a particular interest in the 13th Amendment, as it was formulated in the aftermath of the signing of the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord of 1987 of which India was the prime architect. Despite the end of the war more than two and a half years ago, little has been forthcoming so far in terms of an advance towards a political solution that is based on devolution of power.  The Sri Lankan government’s announcement that it is considering a senate or upper house of parliament that would be a bridge between the centre and the provinces may, in fact, be part of a design to offer an alternative to the devolution of power. <br />
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The undefined and elusive concept of a post-war solution of “13th Amendment Plus†was first articulated by President Rajapaksa during the height of the war in 2008 when there was mounting pressure on his government to reconsider the military option in view of its very high human cost. On occasion the President seemed to refine the concept further when he said that it would be “13th Amendment Plus One†though little indication was given as to what either the “plus†or the “one†would mean in concrete terms. In the absence of anything concrete, these concepts were taken to mean a commitment to devolve more power to the provinces than existed at that time. The LTTE that was waging war against the government did not accept the 13th Amendment at all. <br />
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ELUSIVE CONCEPT<br />
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Ironically, it was not only the LTTE that found the 13th Amendment to be wanting. Even politicians who contested provincial council elections and had become chief ministers of provinces have complained bitterly about the shortcomings in its implementation. A key weakness is the near total dependence of the provincial councils on the central government for finances. The provincial councils are severely restricted in their power to raise their own funds which has made them hopelessly dependent on the central government. Another serious weakness has been the existence of a concurrent list of subjects which are shared by the central and provincial administrations.  In practice, where there are such shared powers the central government has had no reservations about monopolizing those powers. <br />
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In this context the President’s promise of 13th Amendment Plus at the conclusion of the war was an attractive reassurance to those who were concerned about the high human costs of the war. This promise was most useful to the Indian government in warding off the pressure from its volatile state of Tamil Nadu where there was mass agitation that India was helping the Sri Lankan government to defeat the LTTE. As the 13th Amendment was designed in terms of the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord of 1987, the promise of 13th Amendment Plus was a vindication of India’s role in the elimination of the LTTE. The presidential promise held out the hope that once the LTTE was out of the picture, there would be no obstacle to the government making the 13th Amendment work successfully by strengthening it where it was weak. <br />
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However, two and a half years after the elimination of the LTTE the promise of 13th Amendment Plus has not been forthcoming. On the contrary the appearance is of a reversal, in which the powers of the provinces are being further reduced. The passage of the 18th Amendment to the constitution which centralized even more powers in the presidency has eroded the autonomy and integrity of all other institutions in the country. In addition, with the elimination of the LTTE, government leaders began to say that no further devolution of powers was necessary. Some have even begun to speak about abolishing the devolution of powers entirely. There are sections of the government who do not wish to have any institutional obstacles that would prevent them from doing whatever they decide.<br />
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GROUND CHANGES<br />
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Despite the visit of the Indian External Affairs Minister bringing the issue of increasing the devolution of powers to the provinces back to the public debate it is not likely to go beyond that. During his recent visit to Sri Lanka, Mr Krishna gave support to the Sri Lankan government’s intention to have a Parliamentary Select Committee work out the modalities of a political solution to the ethnic conflict. The TNA has made a pertinent observation that if they are unable to reach a consensus with the government, it is not likely that they will be able to reach any sort of consensus with the several other political parties in Parliament.   The fate of the All Party Representatives Committee which met 128 times over a four year period and whose final report was never released by the President’s office, does not bode well for the outcome of the Parliamentary Select Committee.<br />
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In the light of these circumstances, the prospects for political reform, devolution of power and a political solution to the ethnic conflict in the near future looks dim.  At best these will remain matters for the future that is still far off. What has been said during the visit of the Indian Minister is in the realm of words and sentiments. The better option for those who seek justice for the war-affected Tamil people, would be to focus on improving their concrete circumstances on the ground. The primary areas of concern are to improve the livelihood of the war displaced people and their housing conditions. The government needs to be supported by the international community in reconstructing the north and east according to the needs of the people. The Indian commitment to build 50,000 houses for the war affected population is an exemplary action in this context.<br />
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The other area of importance is that of the role of the military in the North and East. Especially in the north, the military plays a decisive role in day to day matters. Civilians need to feel that military presence in these areas is to support and empower war affected communities and not rule over them but sustain and protect democratic values.  The management and oversight of the military forces will need to be changed if it is to become more acceptable to the people. The military must be accountable for their actions in the north at least to a body from civil society consisting of people of the area. Sooner rather than later it is also necessary for the military to return to barracks and the police entrusted with the maintenance of law and order as called for by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. While the dialogue on political reform must go on, the quality of life of the people as manifested in their day to day affairs must be simultaneously improved.<br />
</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-66145748001200911392012-01-25T16:30:00.003+05:302012-01-25T16:30:37.385+05:30INDIAN VISIT AND IMPORTANCE OF KEEPING COMMITMENTS<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">The visit of the Indian External Affairs Minister S M Krishna to Sri Lanka this week comes at an important time. Several noteworthy events are billed to take place during his visit. In June 2010, the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh promised that India would donate 50,000 houses to meet the needs of the war affected people in Sri Lanka’s North where the last battles of the war were fought, and which turned much of it into a wasteland. But so far this promise has been confined to the pilot phase, and only a thousand of these houses are in the process of being built. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">Now there are bigger tasks that have to be taken on. Amongst these are the launching of the second (main) phase of the housing project for the internally displaced persons of the North and the reconstruction of the northern railway to Jaffna. These projects have been slow to get off the ground and are in contrast to the major infrastructure projects that have been done with Chinese assistance. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">In the meantime the war affected people continue to live in temporary housing, either in their own land or in the homes of relatives. Similar slow progress has been a feature of other Indian projects that could provide a boost to the country’s economic development. However, demonstrating the ability to resolve problems ahead of the ministerial visit the two governments agreed to repatriate fishermen held in each other's territory and to also speed up a pact to jointly develop fisheries.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">The timing of the Indian visit is also significant to Sri Lanka for another reason. This is the forthcoming session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva that starts on February 27 and continues for most of March. The Sri Lankan government has a strong interest in ensuring that the issue of alleged war crimes in the last phase of the war is not taken up at this session or at any future session for that matter. Indian support will be crucial to see that the Sri Lankan government is not taken to the dock.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">INDIAN ROLE </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">Although the present government showed itself capable of eliminating the LTTE through military means, it has so far not been able to quell Tamil nationalism through political means. At the present time the most visible location of this struggle is outside of Sri Lanka where the Tamil Diaspora groups are most active. The issue of war crimes is their main weapon. Strengthening this claim is the inability of the Sri Lankan government to make an internationally credible response to the accusation that it is not coming up with a political solution to Tamil grievances. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">The ability of the Tamil Diaspora to obtain invitations to attend the 100th anniversary of the African National Congress in South Africa has been viewed as a serious affront by the Sri Lankan government that boycotted the event. The willingness of the ruling party in South Africa to give legitimacy to the Tamil Diaspora and its demands is a sign that other countries in the third world might begin thinking on similar lines. The moral influence of South Africa on the world’s conscience due to the enlightened post-apartheid leadership of former President Nelson Mandela cannot be underestimated. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">The Tamil Diaspora’s success can also be seen in the Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s reiteration that he will boycott the next Commonwealth Summit in Sri Lanka unless there is progress in Sri Lanka. A spokesman for the Prime Minister has said that actual change must occur before Canada opens its mind to attending the 2013 summit in Colombo. While Canada has the largest Tamil Diaspora in the world, its approach can influence other countries with large Tamil Diaspora populations. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">The danger for Sri Lanka is that the South African and Canadian stances might be an example to other countries from both the developing and developed countries when it comes to a vote at the Human Rights Council, if not in March this year then sometime in the future. The end of the war against the LTTE on the military battlefield has not ended the Tamil nationalist struggle. The visiting Indian External Affairs Minister has expressed the hope for a lasting political solution to the outstanding issues between the Tamils and the government. This condition might have to be satisfied if Sri Lanka is to continue to count on India’s support. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">PROMISING RESPONSE </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">So far the most promising response that the government has been able to come up with has been the release of the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The LLRC exceeded expectations in providing answers to the issues of governance and political reform. Even the TNA which has made a severe critique of the LLRC report and called for an international investigation into war crimes has stated that some of its recommendations (on issues other than accountability) have positive elements that the TNA itself would support if implemented. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">The Indian government in its own response to the LLRC report said that it had “been assured by the Government of Sri Lanka on several occasions in the past, of its commitment towards pursuit of a political process, through a broader dialogue with all parties, including the Tamil National Alliance, leading to the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution, and to go beyond, so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers and genuine national reconciliation." More recently the UK government endorsed the recommendations of the LLRC on good governance and a political solution, while expressing disappointment on its findings with respect to accountability for war crimes. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">As an astute politician President Rajapaksa will be aware of the importance of keeping commitments. During the height of the war, the President boldly promised that his government would go beyond the current limits of the 13th Amendment to “13 Amendment Plus†and he would deliver a political solution within six months of winning the last Presidential Election in November 2009. Inexperienced politicians may believe that they can promise one thing and deliver another. But a politician with over 40 years of experience, as the President has, will know that the breakdown of trust with the electorate will almost surely guarantee defeat at the next elections. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif;">In dealing with international governments it is equally if not more important to keep commitments. The international community of governments is not as gullible as the voting public often is. It does not require much reading between the lines of statements issued by the international community, especially India, to understand that the assistance given to win the war came with an understanding. The understanding was that Sri Lanka would deal justly with the Tamil people and address the roots of the ethnic conflict, which is what the LLRC itself is asking the government to do. Having won the military battle over Tamil nationalism the government must deal with it politically and soon, through a just and negotiated political solution.</span><br />
</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-19915009026583476172012-01-25T16:29:00.001+05:302012-01-25T16:29:36.159+05:30LLRC REPORT AND PRESSURES FROM TAMIL CIVIL SOCIETY<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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The TNA has yet to issue its follow up response to its initial rejection of the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. In a strongly worded statement the TNA noted that “The report of the LLRC is a serious assault on the dignity of the victims of the war in Sri Lanka, and as such, has not only gravely damaged the chances of genuine reconciliation but has further alienated the victims of the war.†It therefore called on the international community “to acknowledge the consistent failure of domestic accountability mechanisms in Sri Lanka and take steps to establish an international mechanism for accountability.â€<br />
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However, the initial responses of international governments towards the report have been by and large favorable, especially with regard to the many recommendations on governance and on a political solution that would address Tamil grievances. There are many among the international community who are not aware of the past history of Tamil grievances and broken promises. They are likely to be puzzled by the apparent total rejection of the LLRC report by the TNA. They are likely to see an excessively demanding attitude asking for too much. In responding to the LLRC report, the TNA appears to have considered the expectations of its supporters in the Tamil Diaspora as well as its voters. <br />
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The TNA's rejection of the LLRC report would seem to have arisen from the principal concerns of the Tamil populace it represents to come to terms with what happened during the last phase of the war. One key factor is the Tamil Diaspora. Sections of the Diaspora are not reconciled to the defeat of the LTTE and what it means in practice. The LTTE kept the hope of an independent state of Tamil Eelam alive. When the military strength of the LTTE was at its height, there was an increased willingness on the part of the Sri Lankan governments that had to deal with it to pay a price for peace. This included extensive devolution of power and the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces.<br />
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Even today the nationalist section of the Tamil Diaspora is able to sway Tamil opinion within Sri Lanka to take positions that were common during the war period. Their was seen in a statement of several leading civil society figures who critiqued the TNA for not being sufficiently committed to positions such as self determination, Tamil nationhood and the merger of the North and East. This group was critical of US and Indian government positions with regard to accepting the post-war reality of accepting the provincial council framework. This statement titled Public Memo to Members of Parliament representing the Tamil National Alliance from members of Tamil Civil Society and issued on December 13, 2011 originated from the nationalist camp who wish to score one over the TNA.<br />
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GRASSROOTS PRESSURE<br />
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There is also the pressure from below on the TNA that come from its own voter base in the former war zones of the North and East. The LLRC report has come as a disappointment to those who experienced the full brunt of the war. This section of the TNA's constituency had hopes about the LLRC that belied its mandate. It seems that many victims of the war believed that the LLRC would actually give them immediate solutions to their problems. The chief amongst these problems are finding out what happened to their loved ones who went missing and being compensated for what they had lost.<br />
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The LLRC received a positive response wherever they went. Most of its sittings were in Colombo where many eminent personalities and well known organisations made presentations before it. The demand was so high that the LLRC had to restrict the time they gave to many of them, although it made a positive attempt to accommodate all who applied to be heard. The National Peace Council of which I am a member was one of those civic organisations. The LLRC gave us a limited time and not all our members could speak. Some of our members made written representations. But we left the meeting feeling that we had we had been heard.<br />
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The LLRC also had sittings in all of the districts of the North and East where the war was fought. It was clear that in these areas especially, the demand for the time of the LLRC far outstripped its availability. In some places like Kilinochchi, where the most decisive battles were fought, there were literally thousands who asked to make their statements. But only a fraction of them could be accommodated to give evidence before the Commissioners personally. The others were given the option of making written submissions.<br />
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The thousands who sought to give evidence before the LLRC in the North and East did not do so simply to provide it with information for analysis and posterity. They also wanted their problems solved. Faced with the absence of any alternate problem-solving governmental mechanism, they were hoping that their detailed evidence would help the LLRC to find out what had actually happened to their loved ones. They wanted to know if those who were missing were alive or dead, and if alive where they were. They also wanted to get adequate compensation for their lost property and livelihoods to make a fresh start.<br />
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DIFFICULT MANDATE<br />
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On the other hand, the LLRC's mandate was difficult. It was not to investigate and find solutions to the problems of individuals. The LLRC was not equipped with the investigative machinery for this endeavor. Investigating even a single case of disappearance is a task requiring much effort on the part of investigating officers who have to get the statements from all those possibly implicated in a disappearance. There is a need to sift evidence and take it before appropriate judicial authorities before a verdict can be given. This was not a practicable task for the LLRC given that there were thousands of such cases before it.<br />
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Sri Lanka has had adequate experience in responding to practical problems arising out of a large scale destruction of property and loss of life in a short space of time, such as the Tsunami of December 2004. Here the government responded effectively to enable those who were bereft of all their possessions and documentation to speedily reestablish their legal status. The issuing of documentation in relation to the many who simply disappeared was also done with speed of accommodation. A similar system could have been adopted in the immediate aftermath of the war to deal with practical problems of the populace, and can still be adapted to give succour to those who have suffered much. Constructive actions by the government could help the TNA to steer the middle ground as called for by another Tamil civil society group last week.<br />
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A statement issued by a prominent group of Tamil civil society leaders recently on January 7, 2012 states that with the end of the war, it has become important for all ethnic communities of Sri Lanka to re-examine and re-evaluate their past. They have raised the question of the eviction of the Northern Muslims by the LTTE two decades ago. They stated that “The eviction represents one of the worst instances of the narrow, exclusivist thrust of the Tamil nationalist political campaign of the past thirty years. The failure of our civil and political leadership to understand and acknowledge this has prevented us from dealing with our own past, and with our own moral and political responsibility towards minority communities that live amidst us. An examination of how we have contributed to the polarisation of relations between our two communities has not been forthcoming even after the end of the thirty-year war.â€<br />
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The call they make to the Tamil community is to “realise at least now that there is no exclusive political solution for the Tamil community, and that the question of political power sharing and equal rights confronts all minority communities.â€Â This same analysis applies to the larger issues that the Tamil community is confronted with today.  In the context of this civil society appeal, there is a need for the political representatives of the Tamil people, most importantly, the TNA, to reconsider their initial outright rejection of the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. The report of the LLRC would count as amongst the most important official and public documents that investigates and analyses the causes of the ethnic conflict and problems of governance in the country.<br />
</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-39071561478457756752012-01-25T16:28:00.000+05:302012-01-25T16:28:03.784+05:30TAMIL POLITY AND LLRC REPORT<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br />
The main political representatives of the Tamil people, the MPs of the Tamil National Alliance, have been under pressure from the government which frequently refers to them as the “LTTE rump.” During the latter period of the three decade long war, the LTTE was able to persuade the TNA politicians to fall in line with their position that the LTTE was the sole representatives of the Tamil people. Prior to this capitulation, several leading politicians from constituent Tamil parties had been assassinated by the LTTE, leaving those who survived with little alternative option. Some either joined the government or stopped criticizing the government in order to obtain government security to protect their lives. Those who preferred to remain independent of the government made the choice of falling in line with the LTTE.<br />
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President Mahinda Rajapaksa is one of the government leaders who frequently refers to the TNA as holding on to LTTE positions. He has appealed those perceived as being influential in regard to the LTTE, such as the Indian media, to convince the TNA to be reasonable and to discuss how to resolve the problems of the Tamil people with the government. There is a section of the government that sees the TNA as being unreasonable in continuing to insist on old positions held by the LTTE, such as the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces. But the LTTE also held on to the notion of an independent Tamil state and sought to achieve it through violent means. By way of contrast the TNA has been the victim of violence by all sides and holds to the ideal of a federal Sri Lanka, which fall short of independence.<br />
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The situation that the TNA finds itself in today is not enviable. The TNA is not only under pressure from the government. It is also under pressure from the Tamil people who voted for it by large majorities in the areas in which Tamils predominate. The majority of those who voted for the TNA would be amongst the worst off in Sri Lankan society. They lived in the midst of war that despoiled the North and East of the country for nearly three decades. Only few of them were unscathed by the disaster that unfolded during that long period. Invariably the war entered their lives, either by collateral damage, having their children forcibly recruited or being forced to flee from one place to the other.<br />
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Even today more than 100,000 Tamil people live displaced and outside of their homes, either with relatives or in transit camps awaiting relocation to their home areas. They would be seeing the peace dividend in the form of government buildings that are coming up and roads being repaired and tourists from the rest of the country traveling along them. But unfortunately for most of them these developments remain outside of their reach, as those contractors who build the government buildings and roads come from outside the North and East for the most part, and bring their own labourers with them. Even the tea kiosks by the side of the road are manned by army personnel which means that the people who could have done that small scale enterprise are denied that opportunity as well.<br />
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CONSTRUCTIVE POLITICS<br />
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So far the TNA has failed to persuade the government to deliver more resources to the people of the North and East. In a democratic polity where politicians need votes of people to remain in power, it is inevitable that governments in power would prefer to allocate scarce economic resources to those who will vote for them. As the TNA does not support the government and instead engages in confrontational politics with it, the government is not inclined to be responsive to the needs of people who vote for the TNA. This keeps in motion a vicious cycle of neglect and hatred that is not good either for reconciliation in the country or for the people in the North and East.<br />
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As the political representatives of the war-affected Tamil people, the TNA has to consider engaging in politics that helps the people rather than leads to their neglect. On the one hand, it is important for the TNA to keep the aspirations of the Tamil people in mind. It is also important that the basic needs of the people are also met so that lead a normal life in which there is material progress for themselves and their children. The TNA needs to reconsider their apparent policy of total confrontation with the government at all levels. As a beginning in the process of reconciliation with the government, the TNA could reconsider their strong rejection of the final report submitted by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission to the President.<br />
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The report of the LLRC would count as amongst the most important public documents that investigates and analyses the causes of the ethnic conflict and problems of governance in the country. However, the TNA’s preliminary statement on it echoed that of international human rights organizations which strongly critiqued and rejected the LLRC report. Earlier they had found fault with the composition of the LLRC and now they found it wanting in terms of international humanitarian law. However, the TNA is not an international human rights organization but a political party. Politics has been defined by those skilled in the profession as the art of the possible.<br />
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COMMENDABLE PRESCRIPTIONS<br />
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The TNA’s preliminary statement rejecting the LLRC report focused on its failure in holding the government accountable for human rights violations and war crimes and for attempting to pass them on to the failures of individual soldiers. It stated that “The LLRC report categorically fails to effectively and meaningfully deal with issues of accountability.” The TNA statement did not consider the LLRC’s analysis of the causes of the conflict and its prescriptions for the resolution of the conflict. What the LLRC had set out in terms of good governance practices and a political solution was not new, and has been stated by the more liberal and thoughtful politicians and civil society groups on numerous occasions before. But what was special this time was that the LLRC was appointed by President Rajapaka whose government has taken a diametrically opposed position on almost all of the issues addressed.<br />
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The government’s decision to make the LLRC report public could be due to a variety of reasons. In the case of previous commissions of inquiry that seemed to come up with inconvenient truths, the government either stopped them three-quarter way or suppressed their findings, as in the case of the report of the All Party Representatives Conference on a political solution. On this occasion there was considerable international pressure on the government to come out with the report, as the government itself held out that the LLRC report would provide the answer to international allegations of war crimes in the last phase of the war. This is an opportunity to be taken and not rejected. Although the TNA may find fault with how the LLRC addressed the issue of accountability, its analysis of the conflict and its prescriptions have much to commend in them.<br />
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As the third largest political party within Parliament and the largest Tamil one, the TNA needs to consider joining hands with the other political parties and with like-minded civil society organizations to ensure that the LLRC recommendations are implemented. While the government has given the impression that it accepts the LLRC report, its decision making circles may believe it is not in their interests to implement the recommendations any time soon. The LLRC’s vision is that of a plural and multi ethnic society in which there is the rule of law and checks and balances on unbridled power. As a result it is possible that the government leadership will prefer to drag their feet when it comes to implementing the recommendations of the report. It is important that the Tamil polity become a vibrant one that is integrated into the larger national polity. It is in the larger national interest that the LLRC recommendations be implemented.<br />
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</div></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-10213549085724453572012-01-25T16:26:00.000+05:302012-01-25T16:26:41.916+05:30IMPLEMENTING LLRC REPORT IN NEW YEAR WILL BE THE CHALLENGE<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">The 388 page report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appears to be earning more bouquets than brickbats. Even one of the government’s foremost critics, the International Crisis Group, has noted its positive contribution to affirming principles of good governance and a political solution to the ethnic conflict. However, it has expressed strong dissatisfaction with the Commission’s findings on accountability. ICG was one of a trio of international human rights NGOs that were invited to make representations before the LLRC but refused to do so. They found fundamental flaws in the composition of the Commission, which consisted mostly of former government officials, and also in its mandate, which was too restrictive in terms of investigating human rights violations.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">The two other international human rights organizations have also commented on the LLRC. Together with ICG, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have taken a common position that there continues to be a need for an independent international investigation into the issues of human rights violations and war crimes. So far, the response of international governments has been rather muted. The United States government which, has been one of the first foreign governments to respond, has said there are gaps in the LLRC report. The US has also noted that the Commission has addressed a number of the crucial areas of concern to Sri Lankans, in particular in the areas of reconciliation, devolution of authority, demilitarization, rule of law, media freedom, disappearances, and human rights violations.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">With regard to an independent international inquiry the US State Department spokesperson has expressed the view that “it is better for Sri Lankans to take these issues themselves and address them fully. That remains our position, so now we want to see if the Sri Lankan Government will lead their country in the next step to ensure that there is full implementation of the recommendations that we have and filling in of the gaps.” When pressed to the wall either by terrorism (as in the World Trade Centre attack in New York) or by their compelling geopolitical interests (as in Libya) international governments have not hesitated from resorting to drastic and violent measures that result in collateral damage to civilians. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">Governments operate within the realm of the possible, while NGOs express the ideal and seek to push governments in that direction. The Sri Lankan media recently carried a news item citing Norwegian Defence Minister Espen Barth Eide, responding to a New York Times (NYT) exclusive that it had obtained evidence to prove the NATO air campaign in Libya claimed the lives of civilians. He emphasized that Norway’s aim was to operate within International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The minister was reported to have declared that it was wrong to assert IHL was violated because of civilian losses unless something unacceptable took place during a conflict. This is also the point of dispute where the Sri Lankan government has been at loggerheads with a section of the international community.</span><br />
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<strong style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">GOVERNMENT RESPONSE </strong><br />
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<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">The Sri Lankan government’s initial reaction to the LLRC report was positive. Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva who presented the report to Parliament on November 16 said that it is of great importance to the government to have the truth relating to the death of civilians in the last phase of the war established in a manner that puts the controversy to an end for all time. He also said that the government has asserted on many occasions that if reliable evidence was available the law of the land would be set in motion. However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has not yet commented on the report. The LLRC itself has noted that recommendations made by previous commissions of inquiry had not been implemented. The failure of the government to implement even the LLRC’s own interim recommendations in a conclusive manner had led to an exacerbation of the problem of credibility. The challenge is to ensure that there will be governmental follow up to the final recommendations of the Commission. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">The Commission has accepted the government’s position that military operations were conducted with the highest priority being given to issues of civilian safety. At the same time it has also found evidence of violations of international law in the conduct of military operations in several instances and has asked that these incidents be inquired into. However, apart from piecemeal investigations into individual incidents that could be done fairly soon, there is also the need for a comprehensive accounting of the past that could take a longer period of time. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission to go more deeply into the entire tragedy of the war could be a longer term mechanism to ensure that victims are heard, their grievances addressed, compensation given and perpetrators identified and provided with an opportunity for repentance and amnesty.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">Practically the possibility of a full accounting of what happened in the whole course of our thirty year war would only come when the government is headed by those who had nothing to do with the war. This is the experience internationally as well where internal processes for accountability and truth seeking are concerned. If Sri Lanka hopes to gain its place amongst the respected countries in the world with regard to the practice of human rights in the future, the government is obliged to hold individual members of its armed forces and government members accountable for their violations even if justifications are available and provisions for amnesty are made available. The experience of other countries is that such an accounting usually takes decades and more. </span><br />
<br />
<br />
<strong style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">FOLLOW UP </strong><br />
<br />
<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">The LLRC report deals with much more than the killings and disappearances that took place during the war. It also deals with issues of governance that have contributed to the loss of confidence of people in democratic institutions and induced them to violence. The centralization of power, and disregard for the rule of law, has reached an apogee with the passage of the 18th Amendment to the constitution with abuse of power and corruption also reaching high levels. Among its many recommendations, the LLRC has advocated the removal of the police department from the Ministry of Defence. It has also recommended that the police be placed under an independent commission. This refers back to the practice under the 17th amendment which was effectively repealed by the 18th amendment which further concentrated power inadvisedly in the Presidency. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">The experience of other countries in which there are conflicts between ethnic communities shows that these problems have to be consciously dealt with. The problem is that governments that are in a dominant position seldom see a need for reform. It is on the issue of a political solution that would address Tamil grievances that the LLRC has made its most commendable stand which places it in a different frame of thought as compared to what the present government leadership in particular has been asserting. But without such reform there cannot be lasting peace as the LLRC report implies. The report of the All Party Representatives Conference headed by Prof. Tissa Vitarana which was submitted to the President last year would be a suitable starting point in finding a political solution. Unfortunately this report which was over two years and over a hundred meetings in the making has still not been released to the public by the President who appointed the committee. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="background-color: #e3edf1; color: #333333; font-family: Optima, Lucida, 'MgOpen Cosmetica', 'Lucida Sans Unicode', sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 17px; text-align: justify;">Such an action can dispel concerns that the LLRC report will suffer the same fate of countless other commission reports and fail to be implemented. Although the government has won itself a breathing space from the international community due to the LLRC report, it cannot rest on its laurels. The Tamil political parties remain deeply skeptical of the government. The Tamil people who were the victims of the war are concerned that the report will make no quick difference to their lives. The government’s New Year resolution needs to be to undertake reform and reconciliation with a sense of urgency in the coming year itself, and not leave it for the succeeding years or the next government. As a follow up to the Commission report the government would do well to appoint a Presidential Task Force of independent persons selected with the concurrence of the opposition to oversee the implementation of the Commission’s recommendations.</span> </div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-38081552613505586192011-09-21T11:59:00.000+05:302011-09-21T11:59:40.604+05:30International Peace Day 2011 celebrations<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF/> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables/> <w:SnapToGridInCell/> <w:WrapTextWithPunct/> <w:UseAsianBreakRules/> <w:DontGrowAutofit/> <w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/> <w:DontVertAlignCellWithSp/> <w:DontBreakConstrainedForcedTables/> <w:DontVertAlignInTxbx/> <w:Word11KerningPairs/> <w:CachedColBalance/> </w:Compatibility> <m:mathPr> <m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/> <m:brkBin m:val="before"/> <m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/> <m:smallFrac m:val="off"/> <m:dispDef/> <m:lMargin m:val="0"/> <m:rMargin m:val="0"/> <m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/> <m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/> <m:intLim m:val="subSup"/> <m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/> </m:mathPr></w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
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</div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><i>Youth United for Peace and Reconciliation</i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><i><br />
</i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal">Mihasa Foundation: Youth for Peace, a group of undergraduates from University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka organizes lectures on current trends on peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka, launch of the Mihasa website, launching of the Mihasa website and the newspaper and a documentary screening.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>125 undergraduates and secondary school students will be participating in order to build a culture of peace by taking it to a new generation of global citizens in Sri Lanka. National Peace Council supports this event by providing its financial and intellectual resources. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This will be held at National Library auditorium from 8.30 a.m to 1.00 p.m.</div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal"><i><b>Exchange visit of religious and civil society leaders from South to North</b></i></div><div class="MsoNormal"><i><b> </b> </i></div><div class="MsoNormal">Religious and civil society leaders representing 8 District Inter religious Councils established by NPC with EU support will visit and IDP camp, donate school books, donate school books to war-affected children, discuss and share experiences with the war -affected people, visit historically important places. <span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">400 war affected children from Mannar, Jaffna and Vavuniya and 30 religious leaders and 70 civil society leaders from 8 DIRCs including North and South are expected to participate for the International Peace day celebrations. This will be held at the Tharanikulam ganesh College in Vavuniya from 9.00 a.m. to 12.30 p.m. and is organized by Centre for Peace and Reconciliation in Jaffna. </span></div></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-86462000882242089512011-09-12T10:05:00.000+05:302011-09-12T10:05:12.356+05:30UNIFYING TASKS FOR A FUTURE NORTHERN PROVINCIAL COUNCIL --Jehan Perera<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; color: black; font-family: arial,sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: 2; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The government media gave headline prominence to the fact that Sri Lanka has made an impressive jump of 10 places to 52nd from 62nd in the rankings of the latest Global Competitiveness Report (2011-2012) issued by the World Economic Forum (WEF). <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This is a further improvement from the 2009-2010 report which ranked the country at 79th position while last year’s report placed Sri Lanka in the 62nd spot. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span> Sri Lanka shows improvements on 80% of indicators - 80-90 of the 110 indicators - both in terms of scores as well as rank. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Sri Lanka made the greatest improvements in scores, year-on-year, in the pillars of macroeconomic stability, infrastructure and security, which the WEF noted was remarkable, and attributed it to the improved climate following the end of the war.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">On the other hand, one of the major disappointments of Sri Lanka’s post-war progress is that these impressive economic achievements have not been accompanied by similar success in achieving reconciliation. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Ethnic polarization and hard feelings across the party political divide continue to take centre stage, and put the brakes on what could be outstanding success. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The government’s position is that a united and prosperous Sri Lankan nation can be built through the inspired leadership of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his close associates whose abundant talent no one can deny. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>One manifestation of this position was the 18<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment passed earlier this year which centralized power further in the already too powerful presidency.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">In conformity with its centralizing of power, powerful government decision makers have declared that no further constitutional change is necessary to increase the devolution of power. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This has been a cause of controversy and polarization. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>There has been an equivalent reaction from the opposition Tamil political parties, and also sections of the international community, that the government’s war time promise of further devolution of power needs to be delivered. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>During the height of the war, President Rajapaksa made numerous promises regarding the government’s post-war intentions with regard to the devolution of power. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The most famous of these was his declaration that he would implement a political solution that would be the 13<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment plus one.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This enigmatic statement of the President was taken to mean that he would ensure the full implementation of the 13<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment that had led to the establishment of the system of devolution based on the provincial councils. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>At the least it was taken to mean the devolution of powers that are contained in the 13<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment, but which had never been devolved, specifically land and police powers. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>A more hopeful reading included the apportioning of subjects in the concurrent list entirely to the provinces, rather than continuing to share them between both the centre and provinces with the central government monopolizing them. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This would have gone at least part of the way to meeting the TNA’s demands regarding the enhanced devolution of power as a solution to the ethnic conflict.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">NORTHERN COUNCIL</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">While the government is now saying that no land or police powers can be granted, the TNA is demanding them and also calling for the re-merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The gulf that exists between the positions of the government and TNA can become paralyzing, which is what appears to be the current situation. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>There is no movement forward that is bringing the parties together. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>On repeated occasions the government has shown its political strength with the ethnic majority by winning elections in a convincing manner in most parts of the country. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>But it has been failing to do that in the Tamil-majority parts of the Northern and Eastern provinces where the TNA has won. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">There can be no forward movement in terms of ethnic reconciliation without these two parties reaching agreement. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The government’s latest proposal for forward movement is to establish a Parliamentary Select Committee that would enable all parties in Parliament to discuss the issue of a political solution that would strengthen the unity of the country. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>However, the TNA sees in this an insincere effort of the government to delay negotiations with it regarding a political solution, even though the government has agreed to a time frame of six months. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>It has so far not agreed to join in the deliberation of the Parliamentary Select Committee.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">There are some confidence building actions that the two sides can be urged to take on by those with an intention of fostering a meeting of minds. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The government has recently demonstrated its willingness to engage in confidence building by lifting the State of Emergency. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The fact that the government ended rule by emergency regulations in the run-up to the meetings of the Human Rights Council in Geneva suggests that the government is sensitive to the demands emanating from a section of the international community with regard to normalization after the end of the war. Most of the countries that are putting pressure on Sri Lanka had a tacit understanding with the Sri Lankan government that the war’s end would bring normalization and a political solution.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">A confidence building measure that the government could take with respect to moving forward in the political process would be to announce the date for the conduct of provincial council elections for the Northern Province. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>So far it is only the people of the Northern Province who have been deprived of the benefits of provincial level devolution. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>They need to enjoy the same rights and privileges in respect of devolution of power that the people in the rest of the country enjoy. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The establishment of a Northern Provincial Council would also enable the people there to experience the workings of the devolved system and clarify their priorities. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>It would permit the future Chief Minister of the Northern Province to sit with colleagues from the other provinces in the Chief Ministers Conference and provide them with partnership, insight and leadership.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">FISCAL DEVOLUTION</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">There will be a very important and unique contribution that a future Northern Provincial Council can make to the entire scheme of devolution of power in Sri Lanka. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>At the present time all the provincial councils are controlled by the government. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This includes the Eastern Provincial Council which is headed by the TMVP, which is a coalition ally of the government. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>There is hardly any impetus for reform coming from the present leadership of the provincial councils as none of them would wish to displease the government. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>However, in the event of a Northern Provincial Council being established, it will most likely be headed by the TNA. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This would give the TNA an opportunity to provide leadership in regard to improving the system of devolution of powers for all provinces.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">A key area of devolution of power where a future Northern Provincial Council could give leadership would be fiscal devolution. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>At the present time, the proportion of the national budget that goes towards the functioning of the provincial councils is too small to enable them to do anything much more than pay salaries and maintain the infrastructure they already have. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This is why teachers and parents of schools that are on the provincial list are glad when the central government takes them over as national schools. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>They believe that they will get more resources through the central government than through the provincial council. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This imbalance needs to be changed for the devolution of power to become effective.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Unfortunately, instead of empowering the provincial councils by providing them with more resources, the government has been debilitating them. The last budget saw the internal fund-raising capacity of the provincial councils further weakened when the Business Turnover Tax was removed from their purview. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This taxing power was transferred to the central government. There is a need for leadership from within the provincial councils themselves to demand more fiscal devolution. This can be the confidence building task of a future Northern Provincial Council, if and when it is established. There is the possibility of getting across-the-board support from all provincial councils for fiscal devolution which will be good for national unity and for the effective functioning of devolved government.</span></div></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-9017922924776438882011-09-12T10:01:00.001+05:302011-09-12T10:03:13.455+05:30Dispossessing And Disempowering The People By Tisaranee Gunasekara<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial,verdana,tahoma,sans-serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 20px; orphans: 2; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"></span><br />
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: transparent; border-width: 0px; color: maroon; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; outline-width: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><b style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">make us development orphans”. A slogan at the September 6th protest against Rajapaksa land-grabbing</b></span></div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Rajapaksa plan to evict almost 70,000 poor families from Colombo and sell/lease their lands to favoured bidders has been put on the backburner – until the Colombo Municipal Council election is over. A protest which took place last week demonstrated that land-grabbing is not the exclusive problem of Colombo’s poor. With actual and potential victims belonging to all ethnic and religious groups, from both urban and rural areas, land-grabbing by the state in the name of national security and development has become a truly Sri Lankan malaise.<br />
The demonstrators, farmers and fishermen, clergy and environmentalists, highlighted a plethora of issues: Kalpitiya islets leased to tourism-promoters, endangering the livelihoods of traditional fishing-communities; large-scale land expropriation in the East to build hotels, a navy camp and a power station; a sea-plane project involving 20 inland reservoirs which can devastate fishing and farming communities and the environment; maize and sugar cane cultivation in Uva Wellassa; banana cultivation in Somawathiya; threats to Sinharaja and the Knuckles Range… Story after story of dispossession, deprivation and displacement; every one of them resulting from a politico-economic strategy which regards ordinary Lankans, the people, as insignificant, unimportant and expendable.<br />
The initial manifestations of this dismissive attitude towards ordinary Lankans happened in the context of the Fourth Eelam War. The myth of a humanitarian operation was premised on denying and belittling the very heavy price ordinary people in the war-zone were compelled to pay. The war was waged, by both the LTTE and the regime, nominally for and on behalf of the Tamil people but in actuality as if they were a negligible quantity, a bagatelle deserving no consideration.<br />
The latest batch of Wikileaks cables details the briefing given by the UN Secretary General to the Co-Chair Ambassadors in Colombo, subsequent to his May 2009 visit to Sri Lanka. In response to a question about conditions in the Menik Farm, Mr. Ban stated that “his visit there had been ‘very sobering and very sad’. He said the conditions were worse than those at any other camps, including in Dafur and Goma that he had visited, and noted that he had seen signs of malnutrition. Asked about his flyover over the No Fire Zone, Ban described seeing ‘complete devastation’…” (Colombo 000567). The fact that Mr. Ban decided not to make his explosive observations public proves that he has no axe to grind. His obvious intent was to work with rather than against the Rajapaksas. Thus his understatedly anguished remarks about the human costs of the war carry weight and conviction.<br />
The indifference to human cost, the lack of transparency, the no-holds-barred maximalism which characterised the Rajapaksa war-effort are percolating into the South and becoming key features of the regime’s economic strategy. This transposition is evident in the way the regime is expropriating land, secretively, often using extra-legal means and with no consideration towards local communities. The manner in which hundreds of acres were reportedly given to the American company Dole for banana cultivation is an excellent case in point. The state entities which legally own the land were not informed; approval of the Central Environment Authority was not obtained; environmental laws were violated; the entire exercise carried out in secrecy, using the army.<br />
The past of the Tamils is the future of the Sinhalese and Muslims.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><b style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Arbitrary Rule</b></div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The regime’s unwillingness to acknowledge, let alone deal with, the politico-psychological and security concerns of the minorities has rendered a consensual peace impossible. By ruling out political reforms (including devolution) the regime has opted for a compulsive peace, imposed on a discontented citizenry at gun point. A key adverse consequence of this path is the impossibility of reducing defence costs, despite the victorious ending of the war. Keeping people quiescent through fear requires large armies, more camps and more weapons, all of which cost money which should have been spent on development.<br />
The high defence costs coupled with the Rajapaksa penchant for extravagant mega-projects (the bid for 2018 Commonwealth Games) have created a financial bind. Selling/leasing lands is an easy way of bridging the growing gap between income and expenditure, at least until the lands run out.<br />
The sustainability of a politico-economic strategy which ignores popular concerns and harms popular interests requires repressive laws. A regime which is wedded to a strategy of dispossessing and burdening people will need force for survival, sooner or later. The Rajapaksas, despite their current undoubted popularity, know this. Thus after ending the Emergency (to pacify the international community), they moved seamlessly to introduce new repressive laws in its place. A proclamation, issued last week by the President under the Public Security Ordinance, enables the deployment of the armed forces to maintain law and order in the entire country. Parliamentary approval has been sought to extend a Bill which allows a suspect to be detained for 48 hours without being produced before a magistrate.<br />
In an even more ominous move, the defence authorities have decided to criminalise public protests against police or the armed forces, ipso facto. According to the military spokesman, “It is wrong for civilians to attack an army camp or police station. Those who do that are terrorists. We will take action against them under the Prevention of Terrorism Act… It doesn’t have to be Tamil Tigers. But anybody who attacks the military is a terrorist” (BBC – 4.9.2011).<br />
When the villagers surrounded the Angulana police station demanding justice for two local lads murdered in police custody, the authorities had the suspects arrested and indicted for murder. This August, the court returned a guilty verdict. Had the new ‘regulation’ been in place in August 2009, the protesting villagers could have been labelled and condemned as terrorists while the uniformed murderers escaped scot-free. In Panama, in the Eastern province, Sinhala and Muslim villagers are being dispossessed of their traditional lands to build a new navy camp. The army is reportedly providing security to Dole in Somawathiya. The new regulation would enable the authorities to stifle future dissent against these and other unjust and injurious deeds by imposing the terrorist label on them. Even non-political civic dissent is anathematic to the Rajapaksas.<br />
Recently the weeping-willow trees down one side of Independence Avenue were felled, reportedly because they are a foreign-species! This deed, done in the name of beautifying Colombo and patriotism, indicates that nothing abusive, irrational or excessive is alien to the Ruling-Siblings. That is why the final round of LG polls should be used to install some checks on Rajapaksa-power, by denying the UPFA the control of as many councils as possible, especially Colombo.<br />
The Rajapaksas want to impose their writ and will on Colombo, unhampered by popular opinion and unimpeded by elected local authorities, via a puppet-mayor. It is a role handmade for Milinda Moragoda, who transited smoothly from an arch-supporter of the Tiger-appeasement process (hailed by LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham in his book ‘War and Peace’ as ‘congenial’ and demonstrably willing to ‘find creative solutions’) into a Rajapaksa-acolyte. With such a congenial and willing mayor, the Rajapaksa-juggernaut can resume, flattening Colombo’s poor and even the middle classes in its path.<br />
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Article was taken from www.Sunday Leader.lk </div></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-39540721153074333962011-09-09T09:00:00.002+05:302012-02-09T17:21:14.728+05:30Internship Experience at the National Peace Council<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: small;">It was only recently that I concluded a two month long internship at the National Peace Council. Despite having interned in several other organizations before, I can safely say that this was the most productive interning experience that I hitherto ever had. This was a result of two reasons. The first reason was that I found myself starting to become passionate about matters pertaining to peace and conflict as I started learning more and more about the field. The Second was that the staff at NPC instilled confidence in me, by assigning me serious responsibilities which if not carried accordingly would have had unfavorable implications. One of these was being nominated to be an election monitor with the People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections organization for the local council elections held in the Northern Province after a period of thirty years. I really appreciated the sense of self ownership that I was provided with over the work that I completed during my time at NPC.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: small;">What really prompted me to join the National Peace Council instead of other notable Civil Society organizations was the credible reputation that the institution had built up since 1996. The NPC has witnessed both the high and lows of the violent military conflict in Sri Lanka establishing its presence nationally through its peace work all around the country. I also felt that it was reasonably successful at evading any nomenclature that is usually tossed around at times of war for political expediency. Unlike the traditional perception of NGO’s in Sri Lanka; of them being proxies of Western nations, NPC strives to walk on a thin line by taking into consideration both the concerns of the international community as well as ruling governments when conceptualizing the nature of its work. This enhances their credibility and makes it all the more likely that they are able to constructively engage with ruling governments to usher in change.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: small;">One reason why it has been able to achieve this is because of its staff that hails from different backgrounds - whether it be professors, retired local council statesmen or youth leaders. Each staff member has his/her area of expertise. While there are those who are able to write grant proposals to please the most prestigious of donors like the European Union, NPC also possess a strong team that is capable of mobilizing the masses into community action. This is largely due to their years of work at the grass roots level in various communities across the country. It also has a vibrant media wing which publishes its own news paper by the name of “Thulawa.” The NPC is a highly networked civil society organization that has working relationships with Government Ministries to more localized religious leaders - an organization free of a partisan agenda.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: small;">I strongly advise any prospective students looking to intern during vacations to strongly consider NPC as a potential internship location. I ended up learning so much, thanks largely to their willingness to send me on field trips, willingness to assign me tasks that tested my research skills and my ability to engage with a diverse staff that shared differing viewpoints. In addition to that, any intern is likely to benefit from the copious amounts of knowledge and experience of the renown Harvard educated Dr. Jehan Perera who has become a must have interview for any student studying the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. NPC’s large national presence from Jaffna to Galla means that it is more than likely that you would be dispatched to remote areas of the country, making an internship experience at NPC also a great way to travel across the country.</span></div>
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</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-16781305463449243572011-09-08T17:40:00.000+05:302011-09-09T08:59:52.162+05:30Thulawa Newspaper<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<br />National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-81563958117848122502011-09-08T15:44:00.000+05:302011-09-08T15:44:13.916+05:30Education reform with a vision - by Sumudu W. Watugala<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-text-decorations-in-effect: none; -webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: white; color: black; font-family: cambria, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 15px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 20px; orphans: 2; text-align: left; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"></span><br />
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(September 04, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian)</b><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>As Sri Lankan society emerges from decades of violence and mismanaged government, our first priority must be in ensuring that the foundation we lay to rebuild the country is as strong as possible. With this in mind, our foremost focus should be on strengthening and reforming our education system because in the long-run, whatever strides we make in terms of sustainable development and true political stability will follow from policies set today in this regard. Our education system is based on the principle of creating equal opportunity for all Sri Lankans, regardless of socio-economic background. This is the cornerstone for progress and stability within an open, free and democratic society. To maintain this philosophy, we need to strive towards expanding access to the best possible education for all Sri Lankans, while maintaining high standards and meritocratic principles within our schools and universities.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">With the government’s stated resolve of making Sri Lanka the knowledge hub of Asia, we all expect that it will bring farsighted reforms to our education system in the best manner possible. However, we still need to analyze closely some of the views expressed by the current administration and those who support its policy vision for the future. Any reform should not focus solely on the economic productivity of graduates, but also consider the need in a balanced society for clear-thinking individuals with intellectual depth. Urgent action is required to address the fact that currently less than 5% of school graduates can be accommodated in the public university system each year, and Sri Lanka experiences continual major shortages of qualified professionals in areas such as medicine. Most Sri Lankans who closely observe the education system understand that we are in a state of disequilibrium: many graduates are produced in certain disciplines who find it difficult to find suitable employment, while certain sectors of our economy experience severe shortages of graduate candidates with the right set of qualifications and skills.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">The recent university trade union action put our academics in a difficult position. Perhaps the government was counting on a prolonged action serving to turn popular support against even their legitimate concerns. It certainly seemed that way as the government prevaricated and made no sincere concessions in order to resolve issues before the impasse could affect G.C.E. Advanced Level Examination marking. Many academics recognized an extended hiatus would only serve to further erode the already diminished confidence Sri Lankans have in our public education system as a viable means to prepare future generations to succeed.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">Several university academics I have spoken to point out that the government appears to have ample funds for discretionary spending as displayed by the government’s extravagant bid for the Commonwealth Games, where if the bid were to succeed, billions more will have to be spent. There are numerous examples of such vanity projects and misplaced priorities when allocating our limited resources. This is doubly disappointing to see in this administration, which was elected with unprecedented popular support and high expectations in order to govern in an environment with more stability than we have experienced for generations. Is the current administration wasting the small window of opportunity we have to set the path Sri Lanka will travel for decades to come?</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #660000; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Importance of public education in Sri Lanka</b></div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">Since independence, public education has served as the great social equalizer in Sri Lanka, and remains our main mechanism for social mobility. In a country whose socialist and closed economic policies have never been particularly pro-business, we don’t have many stories of self-made millionaires who rose from impoverished backgrounds and rose as leaders of business through sheer hard work and an entrepreneurial spirit. What we do have in abundance are stories of thousands of talented and hardworking Sri Lankans rising from abject poverty or harsh family environments to become pillars of our communities with the help of our public education. How many such teachers, doctors, engineers, scientists, lawyers, judges, academics, policy-makers, and other professionals do you know who overcame impoverished backgrounds, and possibly even ethnic and gender discrimination extant in other areas of our society? We know of so many such embodiments of the Sri Lankan Dream, who have reached a level of personal and professional excellence, together with financial independence that enabled them to support their extended families and contribute positively to Sri Lanka’s society as a whole. Hence anyone who, without differentiation, calls everyone produced by our education system "kaala-kanni" (as a cabinet minister did recently) is deluding himself.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">We should not lose sight of how truly amazing it is that this system survived in a developing country that was mired in civil unrest for decades. Such universal access to education is not available in India, Pakistan, or even China. Our current system of drawing the "best" students through scholarships and competitive exams into "good" national schools is admirable in its conception, even if arguably still somewhat flawed in its execution. For instance, there are differing views on the validity of how the merit of students is determined and what benefits, if any, they end up receiving after leaving their local schools and gaining entry to the best national schools. These flaws are no reason to abandon free education. They could and should be resolved expeditiously, by introducing well-planned, intelligent reforms to the existing system.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">The access every Sri Lankan child has to a good education, potentially the best available in the island, is something that should be protected and further expanded; indeed, it is something that should be fought for vigorously. The ancient Kingdoms of Sri Lanka may have had 2500 years of wondrous and enigmatic history, but post-Independence, I do not exaggerate if I say our young Republic created one wonder we could consistently be proud of, all through the unspeakable violence and despair of the past decades. This one constant beacon of hope has remained the possibility that any young Sri Lankan, through his hard work and developed ability could change his circumstances. This is one way in which we surpassed even our ancient history. Admittedly, there have been severe disparities in the hardships faced by different Sri Lankans depending on socio-economic status and geographic location, and we should continually attempt to mitigate these. But at least for the most talented or the most focused and hardworking young Sri Lankans, there has always been a potential pathway to succeed.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #660000; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><b style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Urgent need for intelligent reforms</b></div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">For this pathway to remain viable there is urgent need for reform, and not just academic salary reform. We know that the quality of public education has declined so much that the current system is not comparable to how well-placed Sri Lankan education was in the 1950’s and 1960’s relative to the rest of the world. The reasons for this are varied and the blame lies in decades of shortsightedness by both politicians and academics in this country. Will we ever be able to look forward and plan for the best outcome decades in advance?</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">What we have seen is that the intransigence of successive Sri Lankan governments makes even the most straightforward reform a political, long drawn-out battle with uncertain and unwelcome outcomes. It is unclear when we shall have the will and vision to discuss and implement deep reforms without resorting to self-serving opportunism, hyperbole, and even violence.However, without waiting for the politicians to come around, there are many areas in which our academics themselves can take immediate steps to improve and modernize university education in Sri Lanka. It is great to fight for autonomy and independence, but will our academics use this autonomy to once again promote the dogmatic political agendas of certain elements, to the detriment of the entire country, or will they organize to fight for the freedom for honest intellectual endeavor? Academics already have the power to implement many essential changes to the current university system, without any political intervention. Indeed, it will be better in the long-run if there is no governmental influence in implementing most of these reforms. The more our academic institutions are decoupled from the vagaries of the prevailing political regime, the more likely our public universities will survive in the future as respected and stable institutions of learning.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">Care needs to be taken to ensure that we do not sacrifice quality for quantity. There is urgent need for the creation of an apolitical consortium of academics and professionals who have the credibility to set national guidelines for academic standards and ethics, and assess the quality of degree programs, published works, and journals produced by Sri Lankan universities. Most of these are currently dependent entirely on the intellectual honesty and personal integrity of individual academics, and receive little or no independent oversight.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">Students will benefit greatly if different departments and degree programs are ranked by the quality of its research and student placement in industry or graduate study, and if this information is publicly available (as is the case in other countries with successful higher education systems). Universities need to foster transparency and promote public understanding, something that could be easily accomplished in this age through a stronger online presence. As publicly-funded institutions, universities, faculties, departments, and degree programs need to maintain updated, professional websites with open access. Many of the best universities in the world make their course material available freely online, to contribute to the advancement of human knowledge.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">More needs to be done to foster high-level academic publication in Sri Lanka, especially if we wish to become an international hub of learning. We urgently need an organization that will promote and set the standard for peer-reviewed academic publication in Sri Lanka. For this, our academics could organize to create an independent Sri Lanka University Press. We can look to respected organizations such as Harvard University Press, MIT Press, or Oxford/Cambridge University Press as models of how advanced academic publication should be supported. A major part of the work of such an institution would be to rapidly update academic literature available in national languages in Sri Lanka, and making translated works available to faculty and students at cost.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">There is a clear need to modernize core curriculums. On this front, there needs to be emphasis on internships for students in research and industry, expanded access to computers to students of all faculties, and exposure to multidisciplinary research projects. Universities urgently need to do more to develop and offer students core courses in scientific writing and communication, which is a key factor in the development of a student’s analytical thinking and research success.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">There is little basis for our academics to oppose the creation of private universities (the arguments related to the loss of foreign exchange and the loss of future graduates alone convince most people of this). Instead, our academics would better serve education in Sri Lanka by taking the initiative to assess and set the standards for all academic institutions in the country, both public and private. We need more intelligent debate on how public and private universities can co-exist to the benefit of all Sri Lankans.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">None of these ideas are particularly controversial; nor can there be any political will that opposes academics organizing in this manner. What will require objectivity and foresight from our politicians are in the essential reforms urgently required to restructure current university administrative and funding structures.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">In all this, we must understand Sri Lanka and the world are much altered since the decades immediately following Independence. The lines of inequality that need to be addressed by the government have changed dimensions, the options open to the average Sri Lankan have expanded, and what is required from our public education system is different. What we hope for and should work towards is the right balance between what is popular, what is ideal, and what is ultimately possible.</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><br />
</div><div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">There is nothing wrong with looking at the world and learning from what has worked well and what has failed for the best institutions of higher learning in history. We can learn from what happened in ancient Nalanda, as well as from the evolution of the best universities existing in the world today. There is simply no excuse for repeating the mistakes of the past</div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-80899924321804347472011-09-05T09:28:00.002+05:302011-09-05T09:28:22.584+05:30AWAITING BENEFITS OF LIFTING EMERGENCY--Jehan Perera<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-text-decorations-in-effect: none; -webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: white; color: black; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: -webkit-auto; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The State of Emergency that gave the government extraordinary powers to utilize the armed forces for maintaining public security and to restrict civil liberties has lapsed after six years.<span> </span>This follows President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s announcement in Parliament that from the time the war ended to now there has been no reports of terrorist type of activities.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>He said he was “satisfied there is no longer a need for extending the Emergency Regulations for the administration of the country now.”<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>As a result, Parliament did not renew the State of Emergency when it lapsed this month.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The government received accolades from its supporters for this its democratic action and even its critics in the opposition welcomed the new development.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>But one week after the lifting of the Emergency, little appears to have changed on the ground.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The legal basis for the absence of change in the practices of the State of Emergency has been the extraordinary power vested in the Presidency by the constitution.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The power to call out the armed forces to maintain public order is vested in the President.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>It appears that the government prepared itself for the lifting of the Emergency.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Three weeks prior to the President’s surprise announcement in Parliament the President had issued an order on August 6 utilising his powers under the Public Security Ordinance.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This enabled him to “call out the members of the armed forces for the maintenance of public order” in all 25 districts of the country and its territorial waters.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Therefore the military has been empowered to continue to undertake their duties as they did under Emergency Regulations.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The easy substitution of presidential power for the power of Parliament is another indicator of the further centralization of power in the country.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>So long as a President is popular with the electorate the general population will be willing to trust his judgment and the decisions taken by the government he leads.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>But a dangerous consequence of the over-centralisation of power in the Presidency is the loss of faith in the efficacy of other institutions by the people at large.<span> </span>This can lead more volatile sections of the population to take matters into their own hands.<span> </span>The phenomenon of alleged Grease Devils and vigilante action against them is a manifestation of the breakdown of law and order.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The strong military presence in the very areas in which the largest number of incidents has been reported demonstrates that military strength alone is not the answer.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">LITMUS TEST</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The most visible legacy of Sri Lanka’s war against terrorism was the scaling up of the size of the armed forces and their visibility in public places.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The security checkpoints remain in place even today just as they did during the period of Emergency. New regulations are said to be in force, including ones that continue to keep those detained under Emergency Regulations under arrest, and the high security zones intact.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Military personnel continue to stop vehicles on the roads and check on the identity of passengers.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>In the former war zones of the north and east there is no visible change either.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The military presence is undiminished. According to news reports, all the main features of the Emergency Regulations appear to be continuing even though the Emergency has been lifted. This has given rise to the question as to what benefit has been brought to anyone by the lifting of the Emergency.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">When the emergency regulations were in place, the government could use the military machinery to address the issues that were civilian in nature.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>As a result, humanitarian organizations and NGOs that sought to do development projects in the former war zones, found that the last word often lay with the area military commanders.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>There was no consistency in their decisions, with some being more flexible than others.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This same variability was to be found in getting through military checkpoints and obtaining access to parts of those areas.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The existence of a weak civilian administration in the former war zones of the north and east, and the domination of the military in civilian affairs there, has been marked for special reference by the very sections of the international community who will be meeting soon at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">There is a belief that the State of Emergency was lifted as part of the government’s campaign to convince the international community that it was on track with the restoration of normalcy and reconciliation in the post-war context.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>From the time the war ended over two years and three months ago, a powerful section of the international community that comprises some of the country’s main trading and aid partners, has been urging the restoration of normal law, justice to victims and reconciliation through a political solution.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The withdrawal of the state of emergency by itself would not be evidence enough that the Sri Lankan government is following such a process.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>In particular the restoration of civil administration to the former war zones of the North and East will be a litmus test for the government.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">ERODING TRUST</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">It is significant that the worst reports of Grease Devils and of clashes between affected communities and the military have come mainly from areas in which the ethnic minorities predominate.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>As the military is composed heavily of members from the ethnic majority, this alone is an indication of future ethnic conflict.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The root cause of the clashes has been lack of trust of the community in the assertions of the military that they are not involved in facilitating the activities of Grease Devils who are believed to attack women.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>There is even suspicion among the affected communities that these activities are deliberately undertaken to create problems so that the need for the military to restore order becomes more apparent.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This breakdown of trust is also manifested in problems involving the security forces which have nothing to do with Grease Devils.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">This past weekend, there was a serious clash in Dickwella in the southernmost Matara district involving Sinhalese and Muslims.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The clashes are reported to have started in the aftermath of a friendly cricket game between Sinhalese and Muslim youth of the area.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The end result has been the burning of Muslim-owned shops, houses and a place of worship.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Several Sinhalese are reported to be hospitalized.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The inaction of the police during the clashes led the government to bring in the Special Task Force of the police to restore law and order.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Members of civil society groups in the area have reported that underlying the clashes are business and political rivalries which are perhaps unavoidable in any pluralistic society.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>They have also reported that there is a loss of confidence in the willingness and ability of the security forces to act independently to uphold law and order.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This is a recipe for inducing people to take the law into their own hands.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The answer is not the re-imposition of a State of Emergency or for new laws that give the armed forces more powers.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>What is needed is the restoration of the integrity of institutions and the diminution of over-centralised and personalized power.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The debilitation of the system of checks and balances in Sri Lanka preceded President Rajapaksa.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Both the constitutions of 1972 and 1978 sought to concentrate power in the executive branch of the government.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The hope was that powerful governments would be like powerful engines taking the country to heights of economic prosperity and social equity.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Both of these constitutions made the positions of the judiciary and law making branches subordinate to the executive branch of government.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The unanimous passage in Parliament in 2000 of the 17th Amendment to the constitution was a belated recognition of the need to ensure checks and balances to the power of the Executive.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Today this constitutional amendment has been superseded on the grounds that it is impractical and unworkable. Nevertheless the principle it stood for remains valid. An effective system of checks and balances is necessary to give full meaning to the lifting of the State of Emergency.</span></div>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-21722196694367668622011-08-17T12:31:00.001+05:302011-08-17T12:33:49.959+05:30THE NEED FOR 19TH AMENDMENT FOR CONFIDENCE IN GOVERNANCE --Jehan Perera The non- Tamil and mainstream opposition appears to be taking a long term view of political change in the country. This may be why the UNP invited civil society groups to join with it in opposing the 18th Amendment when its first year anniversary comes on September 8 this year. The 18th Amendment to the Constitution has presented a roll back to the untrammeled power of the Executive Presidency, giving back to the incumbent the power to make unilateral appointments to all top positions in the government machinery, including the posts of Chief Justice, Election Commissioner, Bribery Commissioner and Inspector General of Police. It took away checks and balances necessary for good governance and restraint on the abuse of power. The government justified the constitutional change as being necessary for the political stability that will generate economic development. In addition, the 18th Amendment further increased the power of the President even beyond that envisaged by the framers of 1978 Constitution. It abolished the two term limit on the Presidency and giving the President the right to contest elections without any limit on length of tenure. As a result President Mahinda Rajapaksa would be the most powerful leader that Sri Lanka has ever had. Modern technology would give him the ability to centralize rule in a manner the kings of the ancient past could never have. But along with this centralization have come major problems of governance that put democracy into jeopardy. At the present time, however, these problems do not seem a predominant concern for the majority of the national electorate, who continue to give the government thumping majorities at every election that is held. At the same time the opposition is unable to take on the issues that have the government on the back foot internationally, and which it is handling in a manner that is creating more and more friction with a section of the international community. These are the issues of war crimes in the last phase of the war and the absence of any forward movement towards a political solution to the ethnic conflict in the immediate post-war period. This is because on both these issues, the government is able to mobilize the forces of ethnic majority nationalism against what it claims are the impositions of the international community. The mainstream and non Tamil opposition that requires ethnic majority support for political success does not dare take up the issues of either war crimes or a political solution for fear of being denounced as traitors. <br />
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UNBELIEVABLE CONTRASTS <br />
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With its phenomenal ability to win elections, there should have been consensus in the country that the government is successful at governance. However, Sri Lanka today presents a picture of extremes. There is also an appearance of optimism and dynamism that coexists with the deep rooted problems of governance which are less obvious. At the present time the country is hosting a delegation from African Commonwealth countries. They have come to assess a first hand Sri Lanka’s bid to host the Commonwealth Games in 2017. The government has presented the remote and lightly populated southern district of Hambantota, the birthplace of the President as the suitable venue for the games. Visiting foreign delegations are reportedly impressed by the models of the Commonwealth Games village that has been prepared by the Sri Lankan government, which is sparing no effort to win the bid. The delegates from abroad will have little doubt that the government will be able to deliver on its promises. This is a government that created world history by totally defeating a rebel army known as the world’s worst most deadly terrorist organization within four years of its election. But there is another side to this picture. The billions of rupees that the government is prepared to invest in Hambantota means there will be less for the rest of the country. The government is investing very heavily in the Hambantota district which is the home base of the President. But there are 24 other districts in the country. Most of them are relatively poor and some even poorer, such as those in the north and east of the country where the three decade long internal war was fought. Good governance is about the equitable distribution of resources so that all people in all districts benefit from government resources. It is also about power sharing in which decisions by the central authorities are made in consultation with the local authorities. Good governance is also about the rule of law where even government leaders are subject to the rule of law and no one is above the law. The obvious problem with governance in Sri Lanka is the manner in which power is centralized in the Presidency and the constitutional provisions that put any incumbent President beyond the law. If the President chooses to suppress reports of Presidential Commissions of Inquiry or reports provided to him by the heads of security agencies, there is nothing that can be done. But this erodes the confidence of the general public in the institutions of state. <br />
<br />
ILL GOVERNANCE<br />
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A fortnight ago there was a murderous assault on a senior journalist in Jaffna. The assault took place near a military sentry point in a town that is saturated with the military. There is a doubt as to how anyone who did the assault could have got away without being apprehended. Following local and international protests the government ordered an investigation into this assault. However, it is reported that the police report lies with the President. It is like the report of the Presidential Commission to report into serious human rights violations in 2007 which suffered a similar fate. The truth lies suppressed. It is no cause for surprise, and every cause for sadness, that a senior academic Prof. Ratnajeevan Hoole with a social mission has felt impelled to flee Jaffna rather than place his faith in the law enforcement and justice mechanisms available in that part of the country.<br />
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A glance at the media headlines would indicate signs of deep discontent in society that are not reflected in the election results. A few weeks ago there was the scandal about the import of substandard petrol that ruined thousands of cars. Now where is another report of the import of substandard cement that could cause buildings to collapse in the future. There are also stories of people taking the law into their own hands on the grounds that the police will not act or will protect the wrongdoers. The opposition presidential candidate for whom over 40 percent of the national electorate voted continues to languish in prison on controversial charges that were ratified by military courts. <br />
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The problem with the suppression of the truth of what happened is that it erodes confidence in the institutions of governance. This is what leads people to take the law into their own hands. The latest crisis is the breakdown of respect for the law in with regard to the rumour of “grease devils” who attack women and children. According to witnesses and police there are men who wear balaclavas that cover their heads and leave only the eyes exposed and who grease their bodies and move about at night to commit criminal acts. Some alleged suspects have been caught and killed by vigilante groups. They may be innocent persons. Some were said to be traveling salespersons. A justification given by the vigilantes is that the police do not take action when these suspects are apprehended because they are connected to the government machinery. It is clear that there is a breakdown of confidence in the integrity of national institutions. <br />
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The progressive debilitation of the system of checks and balances in Sri Lanka’s democracy preceded President Rajapaksa. The promulgation of the so-called autochthonous or “home grown” constitution of 1972 was a turning point. That constitution put the executive branch of government firmly in the saddle and made the positions of the judiciary and public service subordinate to it. The unanimous passage in Parliament in 2000 of the 17th Amendment to the constitution was a belated recognition of the need to ensure checks and balances to the power of the Executive, which had got increasingly concentrated in the hands of the President. The opportunity for enforcing good governance was finally dealt a death blow by the 18th Amendment, which is why a 19th Amendment is necessary for good governance to be restored.National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-52769863517262981882011-08-17T12:28:00.003+05:302011-08-17T12:29:16.932+05:30Free Media Movement and civic activists took part in a public protest rallyMembers of the Free Media Movement and civic activists took part in a public protest rally in Jaffna on Tuesday August 16. They protested against government inaction following the brutal attack on senior journalist G Kuganathan of the Jaffna-based Uthayan newspaper. He was beaten on the head with iron poles and was warded in the intensive care section of the Jaffna General Hospital. His assailants escaped despite the attack taking place within fifty metres of a military sentry point in the heart of the town, which is under heavy military control. A report submitted by the police to the President remains a confidential document.<br />
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Four members of NPC took part in the protest. They consisted of two Governing Council members and two staff members. NPC also provided financial support for the transport of journalists from Colombo who travelled to Jaffna to provide solidarity with their colleagues in Jaffna. Earlier NPC issued a media release condemning the attack on Mr Kuganathan and the impunity with which attacks on media freedom had taken place in the past. In its statement, NPC said "A code of silence, a facade of investigations and a failure to prosecute suspects are the main characteristics of this impunity. None of the killings or attacks on media institutions have been solved. This has led to a climate of fear and self-censorship within journalists and also the larger society. This is not democracy where fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution are protected by the Government of the day."National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-16492093270787943632011-08-17T12:26:00.001+05:302011-08-17T12:26:51.051+05:30NO MEETING POINT OF THE TWO WAR NARRATIVES? --Jehan Perera<br />
There are two narratives of the end phase of the war that are battling for dominance. The first is that of the Sri Lankan government that emphasizes the victory over the LTTE and terrorism and the securing of the country’s unity and sovereignty. It also asserts that the war was conducted according to international law with a policy of minimising civilian casualties. The other is the account of the expert panel appointed by the UN Secretary General which is a severe indictment of the Sri Lankan government’s lack of adherence to international norms in the conduct of the war. This report has drawn on the information available within the UN system and also the reports of human rights organizations.<br />
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The UN panel report, also known as the Darusman report in deference to its chairman, is over 200 pages in length. It was issued to the public in March this year. Although well written, not many would wish to labour many hours to read it unless especially motivated as students of the Sri Lankan conflict or as advocates of a position. This is not the case with the UK Channel 4 video titled “Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields†that made its appearance in June this year. It is of one hour’s duration and provides a graphic account of what is presented as the last days of the war. It is readily accessible on the internet to those who wish to see it, if they are prepared to brave its warning that it contains scenes that could be very disturbing.<br />
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The Sri Lankan government’s response to the UN expert panel report and to the UK Channel 4 video has, from its inception, taken the form of denials and denunciations. The material in them is described as fabricated, biased and ill motivated by a desire for revenge at the defeat of the LTTE. The sources of information are also accused of being tainted, being either NGOs or Tamil Diaspora. As a result, the notion of an international conspiracy has a wide acceptance within Sri Lanka.<br />
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In such a situation of opposing versions of the same event, the solution would seem to be a third report of an in independent group. The government has, however, sidestepped the increasingly vociferous international demand for an independent international investigation into the alleged human rights violations and war crimes by referring to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission it has appointed.<br />
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<br />
BOOK LAUNCH<br />
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The Sri Lankan government has presented the LLRC as a legitimate and viable mechanism that precludes the need for an international investigation at this time, and even in the future. This is on the basis that international remedies are only necessary when national ones have failed. The LLRC has already issued an interim report and its final report is expected in November this year. The US government has given importance to the LLRC by officially informing the Sri Lankan government through a diplomatic note that it expects the LLRC’s final report to be presented for discussion next year at the UN’s Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva.<br />
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However, with the LLRC’s final report yet to be published, the government has taken additional action to counter the UN expert panel report and the UK Channel 4 video at the international level. Last week’s government launch of a book titled “Humanitarian Operation—A Factual Analysis†and a video titled “Lies Agreeed Upon†was the government’s reply to the UN expert panel report and the UK Channel 4 video. They were both launched at a large gathering in which high ranking members of the Sri Lankan security forces were present in large numbers.<br />
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In addition, a sizeable number of foreign diplomats and media were also present. There were also a few NGOs also present who had previously been excluded from government events that had anything to do with national security and counter terrorism. Their presence could be taken as evidence of a greater willingness on the part of the government to positively engage with other perspectives in a more accommodative spirit.<br />
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The government’s report and video provide an opposite perspective to that found in the UN expert panel report and the Channel 4 video. They focus on the LTTE and on its brutal methods. The government narrative goes back in time to cover the period in which the LTTE first engaged in acts of terrorism. It does not start where the international narrative starts from, which is the last phase of the war. As a result the government narrative provides a context in which the ferocity of the war in its last phase can be better understood from the nature of the LTTE which held a population of over 300,000 hostage during that period. It is worth noting that the government’s willingness to concede that civilian deaths were unavoidable and did occur during the last phase of the war has come along with the release of this report and video.<br />
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LOCALLY DOMINANT<br />
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There is no doubt that the government narrative will be the one that dominates and prevails within Sri Lanka. It will prevail regardless of the content and quality of the government report and video. This is because most people within the country experienced at first hand the fear of the LTTE’s brutal terrorism even if they did not suffer directly at its hands. The government report and video will further strengthen the feeling of people within the country that the international community is biased and anti-Sri Lanka in its targeting of the government. This will lead to a further hardening of anti-Western sentiment as it is generally perceived that the West that is seeking to punish the government for ridding the country of the LTTE.<br />
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On the other hand, that section of the international community that is urging an independent international mechanism to investigate the last phase of Sri Lanka’s war is not likely to change its position either. The government report focuses on the LTTE, its methods and actions over the years. There is no mention at all of the excesses of the government’s counter terrorism strategy of which there were so many, and also of the impunity, elements of which continue to the present time The politically partisan nature of the government report can also be seen by its failure to even mention the break up of the LTTE by the defection of its eastern commander during the period of the much maligned Ceasefire Agreement which was signed by the present Leader of the Opposition and was brokered by the Norwegian government.<br />
<br />
So what remains are two narratives, one that dominates internationally and the other that is dominant within the country. These two narratives are at loggerheads with each other and appear to have no meeting place. Neither of these narratives is going to be a vehicle for reconciliation in the future, as each will be fiercely resisted and debunked by the other. Therefore it is unlikely that there will be peace building and reconciliation by going down the road of trying to prove whether or not war crimes took place.<br />
<br />
In this context of polarization, the healthiest option is peace building and reconciliation through a political solution in which Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and others of smaller ethnic and religious communities, such as the Burghers, Malays and Borahs decide together what to do about the past and what the country’s shared future should be. This is what the government together with the opposition political parties ought to be working hard at achieving.National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-5051188426524145272011-07-18T09:51:00.002+05:302011-07-18T09:55:19.477+05:30FREE AND FAIR ELECTION WILL BE CORNESTONE OF POLITICAL SOLUTION<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfq9fFNe3ErcbkpwwFqAnmxsIhlrONZ2HdoEFR-5F3Pd1lSKm7X1Rva6YtOWkyXZIvqcmDr1c5hn7AYfy9CCUuUIS5k51Nwj-btMqCmRHUrEfLSu-IQwArRyWcfTJEr5TftPgE0Y1E2TIQ/s1600/elections.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfq9fFNe3ErcbkpwwFqAnmxsIhlrONZ2HdoEFR-5F3Pd1lSKm7X1Rva6YtOWkyXZIvqcmDr1c5hn7AYfy9CCUuUIS5k51Nwj-btMqCmRHUrEfLSu-IQwArRyWcfTJEr5TftPgE0Y1E2TIQ/s1600/elections.jpg" /></a></div><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: 2; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: arial,sans-serif; font-size: 13px;">The forthcoming local authority elections to be held on July 23 are taking place mainly in towns and urban areas around the country. However, the main focus of political interest has been on Jaffna in the north of the country where a large number of government ministers and senior politicians of opposition parties are presently campaigning. The northern elections, while local in scope, are of national importance because of the unresolved grievances of the Tamil people.<br />
<br />
The National Peace Council calls for the Tamil people to be provided with the right and opportunity to elect their representatives through a free and fair election. Any conclusions regarding the state of mind of the Tamil people and their attitude to the government can be judged only if a free and fair electon is held. Otherwise neither the Tamil people themselves nor the International Community will accept any flawed victory as indicating that the government has won the hearts and minds of the Tamil people.<br />
<br />
We are concerned that the election monitoring organization PAFFREL of which the National Peace Council is a partner has stated that "It is being reported that promises are made to people about probable employment and other forms of gratifications if they vote for one party. So far eight cases of election violence have also been reported, namely damage to property, threats to life and indirect actions which would frighten voters by creating a threatening situation. There are also reports of intimidation of candidates."<br />
<br />
One of the principles of democracy is to serve the people irrespective of their political affiliations, But if the availability of state resources in the future is contingent on the government securing victory, then it is not a democracy that prevails but a distortion. In addition the opposition should have the freedom to carry out their campaign without hindrance. Otherwise it is not a free or fair election. Unfortunately, reports from other election monitoring organizations as well point to serious deficiencies on both counts.<br />
<br />
The folly of interfering with elections depriving them of their free and fair character was shown up in the District Development Council elections in 1981. These elections in Jaffna were delegitimised in the eyes of the northern people by the use of the security forces to favour the then government. Any repeat of the same will be meaningless. The National Peace Council believes that only an election that is free and fair will ensure that genuine representatives of the people will be elected and who can help to usher in democracy to the people of the north. That alone will show the way to work out a sustainable political solution to the ethnic conflict.</span></span>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-51753219831652181682011-07-18T09:43:00.004+05:302011-07-18T09:58:33.194+05:30THE DANGER OF MOVING BACK FROM DEVOLUTION --Jehan Perera<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: 2; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: arial,sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Last week South Sudan became the world’s 193<sup>rd</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>independent country and entitled to a seat at the United Nations. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The break up of Sudan came about 55 years after the country became independent of colonial rule. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>During the colonial period, the north of the country was ruled by Egypt and the south by the British. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The fissure between the Arab-majority north and the non-Arab south was one that time did not heal. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Soon after Sudan became independent, power to rule the country became vested in the Arab majority north, where more than 75 percent of the country’s population lived. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>An armed separatist movement began in the south, with the slogans of self rule and independence. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>South Sudan emerged from long civil war after the signing of a comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) in Nairobi in January 2005 between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. This eventually led to a referendum in January this year, at which 98.3% of the population of Southern Sudan voted in favour of secession. </span><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiur5_7Uc3Tx-a5v5YeTtYpfExwp-OnGqjSxOI7PYwxYyMe-vhpulTc1Pvhux-ytxlSfWQ9RoMEktB54p_d88Ich1A1kw7TQxpOrUL8ujp-MEml5IV3v78t8p4cVzxqnWr9G2U0a6V5JFfp/s1600/tissa+witharan.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiur5_7Uc3Tx-a5v5YeTtYpfExwp-OnGqjSxOI7PYwxYyMe-vhpulTc1Pvhux-ytxlSfWQ9RoMEktB54p_d88Ich1A1kw7TQxpOrUL8ujp-MEml5IV3v78t8p4cVzxqnWr9G2U0a6V5JFfp/s1600/tissa+witharan.jpg" /></a></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Although most Sri Lankans would have an aversion to separatist wars, the country’s government sent senior minister Prof Tissa Vitarana as its representative to attend the Independence day celebrations in Juba the capital of the new country. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>It is significant that Prof Vitarana presided over the longest internal Sri Lankan process aimed at achieving a political consensus regarding a political solution to the country’s ethnic conflict. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>He headed the All Parties Representative Committee that had been established by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to obtain a consensual political solution in 2006. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>This body met over a hundred times and came up with an elaborate scheme of power sharing and devolution of power that could have satisfied majority and minority ethnic communities. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>But with the end of the war in May 2009, this report has been off the national radar and perhaps in one of the President’s cupboards.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Unlike the Sudan government, the Sri Lankan government prevailed militarily over its separatist opponent. This has given it the space and time in which to recover, develop economically, achieve reconciliation and put the past behind it. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>It has also given it the illusion that a political solution that is acceptable to the ethnic minorities as much as to the ethnic majority can be avoided. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>South Sudan has mass poverty, only 15 percent literacy and its basic infrastructure is in shambles or non-existent. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The country it broke away from, Sudan, is also in poor shape with inflation soaring, as food prices rise, and it will have lost about three fourths of its oil income through the loss of South Sudan. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>By way of contrast, Sri Lanka has a relatively high growth rate of 8 percent, has reached the level of a middle income country, and is trying to boost economic growth still further with ambitious infrastructure development projects. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>However, the issue of a political solution to the ethnic conflict is no longer being emphasized.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">ELECTORAL TEST</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The forthcoming local government elections that will be held in 18 local authorities in the north will provide an indication to the government of its success in winning popular support from the northern Tamil electorate, and one that will negate the need for a political solution. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>So far the government has failed to obtain this support. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>At both the Presidential and General elections held after the war victory of May 2009, the government was not successful in obtaining the support of the majority of northern Tamil voters. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>It failed again at those local authority elections that were held earlier this year in March as well. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>At a time when the government has come under international scrutiny due to accusations of violations of international law committed in the north in the course of the war, it will be very useful to the government if it is able to show that there is popular support for it from amongst the people in the north.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The importance of the northern electoral verdict explains why the government is giving so much of importance to the elections there in contrast to the other parts of the country where the balance 47 local authority elections are taking place. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Several powerful government ministers have been campaigning in the north for days, and the President has also campaigned there. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Speaking on the campaign trail, Economics minister Basil Rajapaksa said that the government is spending billions of rupees to develop infrastructure in the north and on clearing land that had been taken over by the military as High Security Zones, but which are now being returned to the people. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>According to the government media, President Mahinda Rajapaksa himself distributed a large number of water pumps, spray guns, sewing machines, school uniforms, educational material, squatting pans and agricultural equipment to resettled people as immediate livelihood assistance.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">At the same time opposition parties campaigning in the north have complained that the government is utilizing the security forces to intimidate their supporters. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>There was a very bad incident at the very beginning of the election campaign when army personnel in uniforms broke up a meeting of TNA parliamentarians and beat up their government-provided security guards. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The JVP has also been complaining that its members have been arrested without legitimate reason by the army and subsequently released due to intervention by the police. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The government needs to be concerned that interfering with elections in such a manner can deprive them of their free and fair character, as occurred most infamously at the District Development Council elections of 1981. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>While electoral victory at any cost might seem a pragmatic calculation to those in power, and an endorsement of the policy of centralization rather than devolution, the past experience of the country should warn against it. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">CONTINUING IMPORTANCE</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">South Sudan</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>is an example of the problem posed by an ethnic minority which will not go away through the centralization of power. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>During the period 1972 to 1983, there was a regional autonomy agreement that granted a measure of self-rule to the south. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>But this was abrogated by the central government which centralized power. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>It was this act of withdrawing regional autonomy that led to the formation of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement army, which was gradually able to wrest military control over the south. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>A similar sequence of events can be seen in the case of Eritrea, which separated from Ethiopia in 1993 following long years of war. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>There too, the autonomy arrangements were unilaterally revoked by the central government. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The lesson is that the withdrawal of autonomy that is given to regional and ethnic minorities invariably leads to a strengthening of the separatist impulse.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Thus, even if the government does succeed in winning the elections in the north, it would be dangerous and counter productive to assume that this gives it the license to abolish or reduce the autonomy already provided to the provinces through the 13<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment and the provincial council system. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>In the context of the international pressures that are relentlessly mounting on the government in regard to human rights violations and war crimes, it would be unwise for the government to seek to undermine the 13<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment in any way rather than to strengthen the autonomy arrangements within its mandate. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>In addition to the long expressed desires of the Tamil people to enjoy greater rights of self-determination in their political lives, it must not be forgotten that the 13<sup>th</sup><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Amendment and provincial council system is an Indian legacy. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Today’s Indian government is led by the widow and son of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who pushed for the implementation of the provincial council system in Sri Lanka. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>India is a key ally of Sri Lanka in facing up to any imposition by the international community.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The visit of Prof Tissa Vitarana to South Sudan takes on significance because he was the chief architect of the final report of the All Parties Representative Committee. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>When the government searches for a viable political solution to the ethnic conflict that promotes rather than reverses the devolution of power, this is the document that could form its basis. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>President Mahinda Rajapaksa has been talking about setting up a Parliamentary Select Committee to work out a political solution, but this idea has been criticized as a likely time buying exercise in futility. It has been pointed out that this could lead to another several years of protracted discussion without consensus. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>If the government is truly interested in coming out with a mutually acceptable solution to the ethnic conflict, it could request the Parliamentary Select Committee it convenes to consider the APRC report as its base and give it a short time frame of three or four months in which to come out with its political solution.</span></div></span></span>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-37810808305254696872011-07-15T11:45:00.000+05:302011-07-15T11:45:13.339+05:30What the Modern Woman Wants... By Amanda Chong Wei-ZhenIn 2004, Amanda Chong Wei- Zhen, then a 15-year old Singaporean student of Raffles Girls’ School, took part in the Commonwealth Essay Competition, choosing to compete in the higher age category for 16-18 year old as a personal challenge to compete with writers older than herself. She won the Top Prize in the competition that attracted over 5000 entries from 52 countries!<br />
<br />
<div class="wp-caption aligncenter" id="attachment_1837" style="width: 180px;"><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://lifeisreallybeautiful.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/amandachong.jpg"><img alt="Amanda Chong" class="size-full wp-image-1837" height="148" src="http://lifeisreallybeautiful.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/amandachong.jpg" title="amandachong" width="170" /></a></div><div class="wp-caption-text">Amanda Chong<br />
</div></div>Her short story, titled What The Modern Woman Wants, focuses on the generational gaps and the conflicts in values between a modern career woman and her old mother. She got the inspiration for her essay from the book “The Joy Luck Club” by Amy Tan. She used mother-daughter relationship as a platform to explore the themes of identity and what a modern woman wants.<br />
The message she wanted to convey was that we should not forsake our roots for the sake of success and material gains and that what society holds important today are fleeting and ephemeral. Material wealth does not equate to happiness.<br />
Her essay was hailed as a “powerfully moving and ironical critique of modern restlessness and its potentially cruel consequences” by the Chief Examiner Charles Kemp.<br />
This is her essay……..<br />
<br />
<b>What The Modern Woman Wants………by Amanda Chong</b><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">The old woman sat in the backseat of the magenta convertible as it careened down the highway, clutching tightly to the plastic bag on her lap, afraid it may be kidnapped by the wind. She was not used to such speed, with trembling hands she pulled the seatbelt tighter but was careful not to touch the patent leather seats with her callused fingers, her daughter had warned her not to dirty it, ‘Fingerprints show very clearly on white, Ma.’</span><br />
</div>Her daughter, Bee Choo, was driving and talking on her sleek silver mobile phone using big words the old woman could barely understand. ‘Finance’ ‘Liquidation’ ‘Assets’ ‘Investments’… Her voice was crisp and important and had an unfamiliar lilt to it. Her BeeChoo sounded like one of those foreign girls on television. She was speaking in an American accent.<br />
<br />
The old lady clucked her tongue in disapproval. ‘I absolutely cannot have this. We have to sell!’ Herdaughter exclaimed agitatedly as she stepped on the accelerator; her perfectly manicured fingernails gripping onto the steering wheel in irritation.<br />
<br />
‘I can’t DEAL with this anymore!’ she yelled as she clicked the phone shut and hurled it angrily toward the backseat. The mobile phone hit the old woman on the forehead and nestled soundlessly into her lap. She calmly picked it up and handed it to her daughter.<br />
<br />
‘Sorry, Ma,’ she said, losing the American pretence and switching to Mandarin. ‘I have a big client in America. There have been a lot of problems.’ The old lady nodded knowingly. Her daughter was big and important.<br />
<br />
Bee Choo stared at her mother from the rear view window, wondering what she was thinking. Her mother’s wrinkled countenance always carried the same cryptic look.<br />
<br />
The phone began to ring again, an artificially cheerful digital tune, which broke the awkward silence. ‘Hello, Beatrice! Yes, this is Elaine.’ Elaine. The old woman cringed. I didn’t name her Elaine. She remembered her daughter telling her, how an English name was very important for ‘networking’, Chinese ones being easily forgotten.<br />
<br />
‘Oh no, I can’t see you for lunch today. I have to take the ancient relic to the temple for her weird daily prayer ritual.’<br />
<br />
Ancient Relic. The old woman understood perfectly it was referring to her. Her daughter always assumed that her mother’s silence meant she did not comprehend.<br />
<br />
‘Yes, I know! My car seats will be reeking of joss sticks! ‘The old woman pursed her lips tightly, her hands gripping her plastic bag in defence. The car curved smoothly into the temple courtyard. It looked almost garish next to the dull sheen of the ageing temple’s roof. The old woman got out of the back seat, and made her unhurried way to the main hall.<br />
<br />
Her daughter stepped out of the car in her business suit and stilettos and reapplied her lipstick as she made her brisk way to her mother’s side.<br />
<br />
‘Ma, I’ll wait outside. I have an important phone call to make,’ she said, not bothering to hide her disgust at the pungent fumes of incense.<br />
<br />
The old lady hobbled into the temple hall and lit a joss stick. She knelt down solemnly and whispered her now familiar daily prayer to the Gods.<br />
<br />
Thank you God of the Sky, you have given my daughter luck all these years. Everything I prayed for, you have given her. She has everything a young woman in this world could possibly want. She has a big house with a swimming pool, a maid to help her, as she is too clumsy to sew or cook.<br />
<br />
Her love life has been blessed; she is engaged to a rich and handsome angmoh man. Her company is now the top financial firm and even men listen to what she says. She lives the perfect life. You have given her everything except happiness. I ask that the gods be merciful to her even if she has lost her roots while reaping the harvest of success.<br />
<br />
What you see is not true; she is a filial daughter to me. She gives me a room in her big house and provides well for me. She is rude to me only because I affect her happiness. A young woman does not want to be hindered by her old mother. It is my fault.<br />
<br />
The old lady prayed so hard that tears welled up in her eyes. Finally, with her head bowed in reverence she planted the half-burnt joss stick into an urn of smouldering ashes.<br />
<br />
She bowed once more. The old woman had been praying for her daughter for thirty-two years. When her stomach was round like a melon, she came to the temple and prayed that it was a son.<br />
<br />
Then the time was ripe and the baby slipped out of her womb, bawling and adorable with fat thighs and pink cheeks, but unmistakably, a girl. Her husband had kicked and punched her for producing a useless baby who could not work or carry the family name.<br />
<br />
Still, the woman returned to the temple with her new-born girl tied to her waist in a sarong and prayed that her daughter would grow up and have everything she ever wanted. Her husband left her and she prayed that her daughter would never have to depend on a man.<br />
<br />
She prayed every day that her daughter would be a great woman, the woman that she, meek and uneducated, could never become. A woman with nengkan; the ability to do anything she set her mind to. A woman who commanded respect in the hearts of men. When she opened her mouth to speak, precious pearls would fall out and men would listen.<br />
<br />
She will not be like me, the woman prayed as she watched her daughter grow up and drift away from her, speaking a language she scarcely understood. She watched her daughter transform from a quiet girl, to one who openly defied her, calling her laotu;old-fashioned. She wanted her mother to be ‘modern’, a word so new there was no Chinese word for it.<br />
<br />
Now her daughter was too clever for her and the old woman wondered why she had prayed like that. The gods had been faithful to her persistent prayer, but the wealth and success that poured forth so richly had buried the girl’s roots and now she stood, faceless, with no identity, bound to the soil of her ancestors by only a string of origami banknotes.<br />
<br />
Her daughter had forgotten her mother’s values. Her wants were so ephemeral; that of a modern woman. Power, Wealth, access to the best fashion boutiques, and yet her daughter had not found true happiness. The old woman knew that you could find happiness with much less. When her daughter left the earth everything she had would count for nothing. People would look to her legacy and say that she was a great woman, but she would be forgotten once the wind blows over, like the ashes of burnt paper convertibles and mansions.<br />
The old woman wished she could go back and erase all her big hopes and prayers for her daughter; now she had only one want: That her daughter be happy. She looked out of the temple gate. She saw her daughter speaking on the phone, her brow furrowed with anger and worry. Being at the top is not good, the woman thought, there is only one way to go from there -down.<br />
<br />
The old woman carefully unfolded the plastic bag and spread out a packet of beehoon in front of the altar. Her daughter often mocked her for worshipping porcelain Gods. How could she pray to them so faithfully and expect pieces of ceramic to fly to her aid? But her daughter had her own gods too, idols of wealth, success and power that she was enslaved to and worshipped every day of her life.<br />
<br />
Every day was a quest for the idols, and the idols she worshipped counted for nothing in eternity. All the wants her daughter had would slowly suck the life out of her and leave her, an empty soulless shell at the altar.<br />
<br />
The old lady watched her joss tick. The dull heat had left a teetering grey stem that was on the danger of collapsing. Modern woman nowadays, the old lady sighed in resignation, as she bowed to the east one final time to end her ritual. Modern woman nowadays want so much that they lose their souls and wonder why they cannot find it.<br />
<br />
Her joss stick disintegrated into a soft grey powder. She met her daughter outside the temple, the same look of worry and frustration was etched on her daughter’s face. An empty expression, as if she was ploughing through the soil of her wants looking for the one thing that would sow the seeds of happiness.<br />
They climbed into the convertible in silence and her daughter drove along the highway, this time not as fast as she had done before.<br />
<br />
“Ma,” Bee Choo finally said, “I don’t know how to put this. Mark and I have been talking about it and we plan to move out of the big house. The property market is good now, and we managed to get a buyer willing to pay seven million for it. We decided we’d prefer a cosier penthouse apartment instead. We found a perfect one in Orchard Road. Once we move in to our apartment we plan to get rid of the maid, so we can have more space to ourselves…”<br />
<br />
The old woman nodded knowingly. Bee Choo swallowed hard. “We’d get someone to come into do the housework and we can eat out – but once the maid is gone, there won’t be anyone to look after you. You will be awfully lonely at home and, besides that, the apartment is rather small. There won’t be space. We thought about it for a long time, and we decided the best thing for you is if you moved to a Home. There’s one near Hougang – it’s a Christian home, a very nice one.”<br />
<br />
The old woman did not raise an eyebrow. “I’ve been there; the matron is willing to take you in. It’s beautiful with gardens and lots of old people to keep you company! I hardly have time for you, you’d be happier there.”<br />
<br />
“You’d be happier there, really.” Her daughter repeated as if to affirm herself. This time the old woman had no plastic bag of food offerings to cling tightly to; she bit her lip and fastened her seat belt, as if it would protect her from a daughter who did not want her anymore. She sunk deep into the leather seat, letting her shoulders sag, and her fingers trace the white seat.<br />
<br />
“Ma?” her daughter asked, searching the rear view window for her mother. “Is everything okay?” What had to be done, had to be done. “Yes,” she said firmly, louder than she intended, “if it will make you happy,” she added more quietly.<br />
<br />
“It’s for you, Ma! You’ll be happier there. You can move there tomorrow, I already got the maid to pack your things.” Elaine said triumphantly, mentally ticking yet another item off her agenda.<br />
<br />
“I knew everything would be fine.”<br />
<br />
Elaine smiled widely; she felt liberated. Perhaps getting rid of her mother would make her happier. She had thought about it. It seemed the only hindrance in her pursuit of happiness. She was happy now. She had everything a modern woman ever wanted; Money, Status, Career, Love,Power and now, Freedom, without her mother and her old-fashioned ways to weigh her down…<br />
<br />
Yes, she was free. Her phone buzzed urgently, she picked it up and read the message, still beaming from ear to ear. ‘”Stocks 10% increase!”<br />
<br />
Yes, things were definitely beginning to look up for her… And while searching for the meaning of life in the luminance of her hand phone screen, the old woman in the backseat became invisible, and she did not see the tears.National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5228724027631062683.post-40462239589149715452011-07-15T09:27:00.001+05:302011-07-15T09:33:05.476+05:30PLURALISM OF TAMIL DIASPORA GIVES OPENING FOR POSITIVE INPUTS --Jehan Perera<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: small; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: 2; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: arial,sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">Day after day the news that invariably grabs the media headlines is the effort of the Tamil Diaspora to put the Sri Lankan government into more and more difficulty in the international arena on the issue of war crimes.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Scarcely a day passes without an account of a big event in which leading politicians in foreign countries get together with the Tamil Diaspora to put pressure on the Sri Lankan government.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The most recent such event was an Indian television show that pitted Indian intellectuals and human rights activists, mostly based in Tamil Nadu state in debate with the army spokesman General Ubaya Medawala.<span> </span>Others who featured in the debate included retired Indian army officers, and former Indian and British Foreign Ministers, including David Miliband who has written against the Sri Lankan government’s stance on the last phase of the war.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">The matter that was debated on Indian television was the Channel 4 video, for which the government has categorically blamed the Tamil Diaspora.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This creates an impression that the Tamil Diaspora in an active and powerful force abroad.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The high degree of prominence given in the local media about the activities of the Tamil Diaspora and the threats posed by it, have created an image of a public enemy that threatens the country.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The more successful that the Tamil Diaspora is in discrediting the government internationally, the more public support that the government is able to mobilize internally, as it presents itself to be unfairly victimized by some sections of the international community.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">There is a perverse sense in which both the Tamil Diaspora and the Sri Lankan government reinforce and strengthen each other as enemies.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The Tamil Diaspora leaders who are engaged in anti Sri Lanka activism abroad, continue to find a relevant role in their society that enables them to address the larger society in their countries.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The LTTE no longer exists as a military power to give the hope of achieving an independent state of Tamil Eelam. But the determination of the Tamil Diaspora to bring the charge of war crimes against the Sri Lankan government gives them a continued purpose.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>At the same time, the Sri Lankan government is able to use the international threat posed by the Tamil Diaspora to justify its own restrictions on democratic freedoms on the ground of national security considerations.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">UNFORTUNATE REALITY</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">It is unfortunate that while the government and Tamil Diaspora duel on the issue of war crimes, the plight of the survivors of the war living in the former war zones does not receive equivalent attention by either party.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The energies expended by the Tamil Diaspora on bringing the Sri Lankan government to international justice does not carry over to easing the desperate struggle of the war victims to get on with their lives with even their basic needs satisfied.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The plight of these people can be illustrated by the fact that, at the present time, most of them would not ask for political rights, and only for food, clothing, shelter and education for their children.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>This is in accordance with the basic needs theory of Abraham Maslow who argued that basic needs have to be satisfied first, before people ask for higher level needs, including political rights.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Although the government has ensured the resettlement of most of the war victims in their original places of residence, they have not been provided with adequate resources to restart their war destroyed lives.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">There are many factors that would appear to have delayed the recovery process of the war affected people.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>One is the shortage of resources and the misapplication of the country’s limited resources.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The government is cash strapped due to its priorities and unable to grant long promised salary increases to government sector employees, including university teachers who have been on strike for several weeks. Although this is no excuse for failing to cater to the most needy section of the country’s population, the government has apportioned little or no resources to channel to the war destroyed areas.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">At the same time, the government has strictly limited non governmental agencies, both local and international, from going into the war destroyed areas to help the people. This is on account of its mistrust that non governmental initiatives will aim at stirring up trouble among the people and put various anti national ideas into their heads. Any non governmental group, whether NGO or ordinary people, who wish to provide resources directly to the war victims living in the north of the country, cannot do so without obstacles.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>Instead they have to go through a complicated and time consuming process of getting governmental permission even to do good works for those who desperately need help.<span> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">MEETING DIASPORA</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">At a recent meeting with a section of the Tamil Diaspora in Europe they expressed the sentiment that they really wanted to support the war victims and war destroyed areas of the country with their financial resources and technical expertise.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span> </span>The main point they wished to stress was that the Tamil Diaspora is not a monolithic one, with one opinion.<span> </span>On the contrary it is a plural society based in different countries and containing within itself a whole range of ideas, just as is the case with the different ethnic communities in Sri Lanka itself.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>There are some who want above all to punish the Sri Lankan government leaders for what happened in the war, but there are others who want to help those who have been the victims of the war.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">The group I met with was a group that was opposite to the stereotype of an anti Sri Lanka Diaspora. They wished to focus on the future as their contribution to the country of their birth.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span> </span>They said they were about as large in numbers as those who were extreme in their Tamil nationalism, though not as well organized.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span> </span>However, they also complained that when they tried to provide assistance to Sri Lanka, they encountered many obstacles put in their path by the government.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>They referred to the need to get special approval for any project by the Presidential Task Force for the North, which has been criticized in the past for not having any Tamil members on it.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The government only partially rectified this problem by appointing two Tamil government servants to this regulatory body.<span> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">Today, and especially in the Vanni and eastern districts there is a category of people that is especially weak and marginalized.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>They have relatively few of their family or relatives living abroad to supply them with economic resources at regular intervals, as is the case with those living in Jaffna or Colombo.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>As most of them have no access to personal resources, they are in need of official or organizational assistance.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>At the present time, the official assistance they are receiving is very meager.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>The war victims need much more if they are to rebuild their lives.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>But two years after the end of the war, they continue to be left in the lurch.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;">The Tamil Diaspora would be one important source of economic and human resources for the empowerment of the war victims.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><span> </span>They have the resources and the motivation. But for them to be mobilized into action on a large scale, as opposed to a small scale, the enmity between the Sri Lankan government and Tamil Diaspora needs to end, which is something still in the indeterminate future.<span> <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span>On the other hand, even small scale support by the Tamil Diaspora will be better than nothing for the war victims and needs to be explored by the liberal minded elements on both parties.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><br />
</div></span></span>National Peace Councilhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09406944913032829438noreply@blogger.com0